Baath 'Socialist' Party enemy of the Arab working

HE Baath Socialist Party was formed in Syria in the early forties by Michel Aflak and Salah Bitar. During the thirties, these chauvinist leaders had sympathised with the Hitler movement in Germany.

The ideological head of Baathism, Aflak, explains his philosophy thus:

I quickly found Marxism inadequate, based on materialism without human and spiritual values, without national consciousness.

Nations are only large families and the Arab family needs more than Marx. Thus we evolved the Baathist doctrine of socialism, mingled with nationalism and the human spirit?

Union and break By 1947, after the French left Syria, the Baath bad 1,000 carefully selected members. At the Third Party Congress in 1956, the Baath decided on the union of Syria with Egypt.

When it became obvious that the big capitalists of Egypt were exploiting the weakness of the Syrian bourgeoisie, the final break with Nasser came in 1961. Since then, the Baathists have quelled two Nasserite insurrections in Iraq and five in Syria. Of Nasser one Baathist said:

'We loved him and cherished him, the bastard. Nasser is a lost prophet. He tried to annihilate us, the devil.

Nasser complains:

I have read every book by or about Baath and I could understand nothing?

'Arabisation'

The Baathists want to assimilate national minorities like the Kurds, forcibly to 'Arabise' them, monopolise governmental power and sweep away all opposition. - Within the petty-bourgeois Baathist movement stand two visible trends. ing was of such a high order that they chose to put the lowest form of class organisation before the highest.

Secondly, opposition exists on the political level. Why, it is asked, does the party, having been transformed into an electoral machine, continue to make no progress at the polls?

Again, there is concern over the way the party has buried itself in the 'peace movement'. The logical outcome of this policy was seen in the recent lobby on Vietnam when Gollan announced, in effect, that, while they did not really agree with the demands being presented, the Party would support it.

But it is the Party's attitude to the Labour government which is giving the greatest cause for alarm. From the Party centre has come no class analysis of this government and the situation in which it finds itself; nor has any clear lead been given against its capitalist policies — its role One group wants to carry out an outright war against the working-class vanguard and a pogrom against the Kurds, and the other (pro-Nasser) group wants to utilise socialist concepts in order that a working-class victory 'must be arrived at peacefully and within the framework of national unity, and by means of dissolving class distinctions'.

Concessions

Following the formation of the United Arab Republic, the monarchs and semi-feudal sultans of Jordan and Iraq united into the Hashemite Federation.

The Iraqi bourgeois-democratic revolution of Kassem in July 1958 dissolved this relationship and overthrew Nuri-es-Said. Kassem deprived the feudal landlords of some of their privileges and gave concessions to the workers employed in oil companies by increasing their wages and recognising their right to organise. east of Suez', prices and comes' policy, disciplining the unions, etc.

Instead, the most opportunist position has been taken, very little different from that of the pseudo-left hypocrites around "Tribune'.

It is on the third, theoretical level that the most sustained, articulate opposition is to be found.

This opposition first began to make itself heard about three years ago, following the commencement of the public polemics between the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union and China.

At first it confined itself almost entirely to support for the Chinese position, coupled with the demand that the Party press should give at least as much space to the position of the Chinese Party as it was giving to that of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

But over the pas t two years the 'pro-Peking' cor nrades have developed their pr ›sition and The Stalinist leaders of the Iraqi Communist Party, overwhelmed by these seemingly progressive measures of the bourgeoisie, called for a united front with the Kassem regime against imperialism.

In the second year of his rule, with the increasing militancy of rural workers and peasants, Kassem turned upon the Communists and jailed hundreds, condemning to death 28 Party leaders.

Kassem's so-called progressive section of the national bourgeoisie, in fact represented the inveterate enemies of the workers' movement—-the local bourgeoisie and the agents of the foreign oil and petroleum companies.

Baath to The Kassem regime, sterile in political content, weak and unable to take over foreign interests and carry to its conclusion the bourgeois revolution, found itself rapidly losing sint Cabinet after Union with Syria.

published sustained criticisms of most aspects of revisionism in the British Party.

Among these comrades, there is a growing awareness that revisionism, not only in the British Party, but in the international Communist movement as a whole, goes back a lot further than Khrushchev.

In order for the opposition to be at all effective at the coming congress, it is absolutely necessary for these three strands to be drawn together.

Those comrades who are critical on the economic and political levels, but who ignore, and even in some cases, are hostile to the theoretical criticism of the revisionists, must appreciate that the disastrous methods of work of the Gollan clique flow naturally from their 'theory' and programme.

And, secondly, the struggle must commence in earnest now. As a start, two demands should be made: 1. That pre-Congress material should be distributed immeorganised into a National Guard in Baghdad.

Numbering 200,000, this green-armband army marched into workers' quarters, each section led by Baathist Party members. 3 month killing In February 1963, the National Guard ran amok, shooting down suspected Communists, raping women and murdering workers indiscriminately, all in the name of revenge on the Communists.

For three months this macabre act unfolded in the streets of Baghdad. The blood of 10,000 painted the sandy pavements, and the prisons were filled to bursting with screaming detainees.

The Stalinists pleaded with the Kassem regime for arms, but the government refused to move.

Kassem was murdered, and the Baathists won the day. General Aref, the butcher of Baghdad, was proclaimed diately to the branches, so that the maximum time might be devoted to it; and 2. That the pages of 'Comment' and 'Marxism Today' be opened for a full exchange of views.

In conclusion, a word of warning is necessary. If the opposition's perspective is the defeat of the present leadership and the transformation of the Party, only disillusionment will result.

The revisionists control the machine and will make full use of it to stifle the opposition. Only one perspective is possible: that the fight against Gollan, Dutt, and their associates, is part of the fight now being conducted to smash the reformist grip on the working class, and for the construction of a revolutionary Marxist Party capable of leading the class to the overthrow of capitalism.

fraternally, B. Hayward, Birmingham. the struggle against French imperialism. The present struggle within the Algerian bureaucracy is a product of the joint crisis of Stalinism and imperialism.

Aref continues the Baathist war against the Kurdish people, who are led by Mustapha Barzani.

When, in 1922, Britain imposed a monarchy in Iraq, the Kurds began a life-and-death struggle resulting in the occupation of the town of Suleimaniya in 1924.

Kurdish revolt The ensuing decades saw a number of Kurdish uprisings, the most notable being the Barzani revolt of 1943-45.

In the period of 1964, in the Erbil Province, 37 villages were given to Arab settlers and the Kurdish inhabitants driven out. Within the context of 'Arab Socialist Unity, the Baath regime intends to *Arabise' the Kurds.

The war begun in 1963 by Aref reached a climax on April 3, 1965. Having doubled the salary of his officers and supplied gas masks and toxic gas to his regiments, Aref shifted 40,000 troops into the hills of Kurdistan.

The Iraqi forces descended upon the town of Suleimaniya and opened fire in the streets and cafes.

In the melee, scores of people were killed. The raging storm of repression continues, and British Hawker jets are now being used to smoke out Kurdish fighters from their mountain holes. While blood flows in the Kurdish village streets, profit flows into the coffers of the Iraqi bourgeoisie and British imperialism.

"Solution'

The bourgeois - national leaders of the Kurds, aided by the Iraqi Communist Party, demand 'a reasonable solution, keeping the integrity of Iraqi structure intact.

Contrary to this, Lenin stated ('The Rights of Nations to Self-Determination'):

"Therefore, it is against the practicality of the bourgeoisie that the proletarians advance their principles on the national question; they always give the bourgeoisie only conditional support.

•.. The bourgeoisie always places its national demands in the forefront. It advances them categorically.

For the proletariat, however, these demands are subordinate to the interests of the class struggle' The future of the Kurdish peasants and workers lies in their unity with the Iraqi workers. The ruling classes in the Middle East are only divided on the issue of how best to oppress its workers and peasants.

The Trotskyist Fourth International extends a hand of solidarity to the proletarians and peasants of the Middle East. The reconstruction of this International with parties in every country able to lead the workers and reject the petty-bourgeois and Stalinist leaderships, is the key to the struggle against imperialism.

Despite Baathism and Stalinism many militant strikes and Greek Trotskyists join anti-government demonstration among the tens of have opened the way to a dicthousands of Greek trade tatorship disguised by demounionists, students and the 'A new reactionary Stalinists who demonstrated ship menaces us. last week-end against the 'We call on the putsoh and in support of the stand at the ready. deposed Prime Minister, 'Against the King and his Papandreou.

The whole of the Athens attempts of the right-Against police force turned out to meet the offensive of big business. the demonstrators, and there 'For the protection of the were violent clashes. Several few liberties which we have arrests were made.

Although the demonstra- in the past. tions are in favour of Papan- For bread and for the prodreou the Stalinists are not tection of our wages. Even going so far as to say: 'Down these are in peril. with the King'.

The Greek Trotskyists have been putting forward the following slogans in the demonstrations:

Down with the King!

Death to the nutschists!

LAIN Get out of NATO! (the 'official' Stalinists refusi : to take i up opposition to NATO).

For a general strike! (the Stalinists refuse to say the word strike).

Against compromise! (between the King and Papandreou and between the Stalinists and Papandreou).

In a leaflet. issued hv the Greek Trotskyists last Saturday, they said:

"The aristocracy, expressing the interests of the imperialists and the plans of the right, has imposed a new government and a new Chancellor by coup d'etat. demonstrations have been held. cratic etiquette.

class to Court-Against the imperialist conspiracy-Against the fascist gained through bloody struggle 'For the immediate crushing of the government, which is the puppet of the Royal Court. It is a first step to open brutal dictatorship.

'ONLY the working class and the exploited masses of all countries ran emach all tha TODTYTC TYD 3171 plotters and plans of the imperialists.

'ONLY the struggle of the workers can defeat the dictatorship.

'ALL OUT ON THE STREETS!

'With demonstrations and strikes in order to stop the plot to strangle the working class.

'Against all compromises Against all horse-dealing of the capitalists carried out on the backs of the workers.

'Down with the putsch!

*Long live the working class!

'Long live the united front of the working class for the defeat of the government!'

Page F OU I July 24,1965