The Newsletter, vol. 9 no. 413

2,000 Young Socialists and trade unionists demand: Crowds of holidaymakers watch cath demonstration begins on the Promenade Plackpool.

Labour Party Conference Reports from STOP PRESSAll decisions underline right-wing nature of conferer Motion to reject lau against unions lost THE Labour Party Comerence by 3,635,000 to 2,540,000 defeated Clive Jenkins" emerge resolution calling upon the conference to reject legislation against the unions. This underli the extreme right-wing nature of the conference which has now concluded.

Whilst the Trades Union Congress accepted Woodcock's proposals to set up an early warning system, the Labour Party Conference has gone much more to the right and decided to proceed with legislation.

Obviously, several right-wing trade union leaders have changed their position, even since the Trades Union Congress a few weeks ago.

The Labour Party today is the most extreme right-wing organisation which in no way reflects the mood inside the working class and the trade unions. This decision of the Party now opens up the door to a split between the trade unions and the Labour Party.

Change

Within 12 months the political atmosphere will become completely changed. The working class will see more clearly the reactionary nature of Wilson's government.

Wilson himself makes no exNO LEGISLATION AGAINST THE TRADE UNIONS! CLEAR OUT THE WILSON-MACDONALD TRAITORS! 7.00 p.m. Sunday, October 17, 1965 NEW AMBASSADORS HOTEL, UPPER WOBURN PLACE, W.C.1 (nearest Tube Station: Euston)

ssion CLIFF cuses for his right-wing turn. To maintain his position as Prime Minister, he is prepared to go all out against the working class.

Clive Jenkins, who is general secretary of the union to which Harold Wilson belongs, the Association of Supervisory Staffs, Executives and Technicians, is to be congratulated on having fought the government on this issue. Without his intervention even the fight which has taken place would not have been possible. His emergency resolution was only defeated by just over one million votes. In fact the Amalgamated Engineering. Union and the Transport and General Workers' Union voted with him.

This is a great victory; although the motion was defeated it sets the tone for the coming struggles.

FIGHT FOR SOCIALIST POLICIES!

IC MEE SPEAKERS:

Secretary, Socialist Labour League M. Banda, Editor, Newsletter Peter Kerrigan, Liverpool portworker TAM MADUR MUST BASIC INCUIRIES!

SLAUGHTER SULL 'Blue' Union dockers from Hull Withdraw troops trom Aden By MICHAEL BANDA ONCE again Mr. Wilson has demonstrated to the whole world that when it comes to choosing between the profits of the oil monopolies and the very modest—yet legitimate-demands of the native Arabs, he can be relied upon to come down firmly and unequivocally on the side of the former.

In France it was Mr Wilson's fellow tribalists in the 'socialist' government of Guy Mollet who began the repression of the Algerian national movement with the help of the most hated anti-socialist, anti-democratic, and anti-working-class forces in Europe.

The analogy with France and Mollet is not as far-fetched as it may seem. In order to prosecute and continue the war against the Algerian 'rebels', ', Mollet, as well as his successors, resorted to the same bureaucratic and arbitrary methods as are now being used by the Wilson government to overthrow its own puppet regime in Aden.

Not only did Mollet become increasingly independent of the Socialist party and the decisions of its congresses, but, more ominous still, by virtue of his administrative decrees, he made the executive virtually independent of the legislative.

Rubber stamp

rubber sent else on is process, thanks to the treachery of the Stalinists, was inexorable.

It culminated in the overthrow of the Fourth Republic-and the institution of Bonapartist rule.

Only a nuance separates Mr. Wilson from Mollet. Wilson was appraised of the deteriorating situation in South Arabia by Minister Greenwood on the eve of the Labour Party Conference.

He did what any Tory Prime Minister would have done. He authorised an Order-in-Council, THIS WEEK Labour Party conference Reports on pages Saturday, October 2, 1965 Dockers!

Organise mass marches against Devlin Report • Party has come off the I last the Communis fence over the Devlin Commission Report. Six weeks later than the Socialist Labour League, they have announced that they oppose it.

We are very glad that they have finally decided to take this stand, but much more will be needed if the Devlin Commission Report is to be rejected.

THOUSANDS of holidaying workers lined Blackpool's promenade last Sunday to watch the tremendous 2,000-strong demonstration by Young Socialists and adult trade unionists demanding 'Wilson Must Go'. It was the most politically significant demonstration held in Britain since the war.

The socialist policies for which the been campaigning in the past five years by hundreds of trade unionists, pensioners and tenants from all over Britain, who marched proudly with the youth and members of the Socialist Labour League.

From Hull and Liverpool came dockers of the National Amalgamated Stevedores and Dockers ('Blue' Union), from the Tractors and Transmission factory in Birmingham came engineers, from London and Liverpool, plumbers, from Leeds and many other areas came tenants.

Miners, electricians and workers from several other trades were brought to the march, encouraged and enthused by the fighting spirit of the youth and their policies.

It was also the biggest thing ever seen in the seaside town, especially in a Labour Party Conference week-the swirling red banners and enthusiastic slogan-shouting of the threequarters-of-a-mile long procession completely drowned the colour of the 'famous' illuminations and the noisy sideshows.

Nationalize!

Banner after banner, slogan after slogan took up the message of the leading banner: 'Wilson Betrays. Labour Must Nationalize the Docks and the Basic Industries' On Immigration, Vietnam, Housing, the Devlin Report, on every single issue that the Wilson government has betrayed, the demonstrators had their message: Kick out the class traitors'.

The impact, in sound and sight, of this demonstration was like a nuclear explosion, with the fall-out affecting all those who crowded to look during the four-mile march.

A similar march by CND later in the day, led by Labour lefts, hardly raised a murmur. It mustered a mere 830 marchers—-the only contingent of youth being a group of anarchists.

section of dockers from Liverpool Young Socialists have were eagerly taken up Like the Young Socialists, they began their demonstration at Gynn Square. They were able to march halfway along the promenade and hold a meeting on the sands.

But the Young Socialists were ordered by the police march right out of Blackpool to hold their meeting. The tide was in during the march and the police refused to allow the Young Socialists to hold their meeting anywhere in the town.

Police were ready to see that these orders were carried out. Many lined the march, and, it is believed there were several vanloads waiting in the town ready to move in at a signal from any of the police equipped -Gerry Healy, secretary of the Soc election pledge we i with most modern button-hole walkie-talkie sets.

Plain clothes men were abundant. They walked the whole distance of the march and remained at the beach meeting at the end to take notes of the names of speakers.

After walking and shouting for four miles, the youth still poured on to the small beach allotted by the police to hear Young Socialist and Socialist Labour League speakers.

Over 700 people attended a Socialist Labour Léague meeting later in the afternoon in the Palatine Hotel.

Four hundred had to be turned away from the meeting because the Labour Party had booked all the halls of any reasonable size in the town.

RESOLUTION PASSED U This Blackpool meeting of 2,000 trade unionists and young workers, called by the National Committee of the Young Socialists and the Socialist Labour League, calls on Labour Conference delegates to fight for socialist policies.

It is time to reject Wilson, Brown, Callaghan and Gunter, who have sold out to the banks and big business.

Their attacks on the trades unions and the Devlin proposals against the dockers must be beaten back immediately.

Nationalization of the docks, of the banks, the land The employers, the Tories and the Labour government, are now preparing legislation for the next session of parliament. If this becomes law, then any struggle against the Report on the docks is in essence a political struggle.

great fight must be waged before the Bill becomes law in order to win widespread support throughout the trade union movement to bring pressure to bear on the Labour leaders to prevent it going on the statute books.

Protests by themselves won't do any good.

le Devlin Report must be seen in the same light as the proposed legislation against the trade unions. It is now up to the rank and file of the labour and trade union movement to force their leaders to retract.

le Newsletter has continuously warned the movement about the dangers ahead for the trade union movement.

We will go on doing so.

More than that, we will encourage all workers to actively oppose the Devlin Report and legislation. Will the Communist Party do the same?

le demonstration at Blackpool, which contained contingents of dockers from Hull and Liverpool is a big step in the right direction.

Let us organise as soon as possible a mass demonstration against the Devlin Report. rialist Labour League: "On every challenge Wilson!

Beach meeting PUBLISHER of the Young Socialist newspaper 'Keep Left', Dave Longley, welcomed each section of the march as it moved on to the beach.

He introduced Dave Ashby, national secretary of the Young Socialists, who immediately congratulated the youth on the effectiveness of the demonstration and for going out to persuade many adult trade unionists to go to Blackpool to join in the march.

The only task of the Young Socialists, he said, was to remove the present Labour leadership and to build an alternative leadership to fight for socialist policies.

He explained how the Wilson government had not carried out any one of the election pledges made before last October.

NIMOUSLY AT MEETING and all major industries is the necessary basis of any planning and improvement in the living conditions of the workers.

The immigration restrictions, which are racialist measures, must be stopped. Support for the war in Vietnam must stop. The government must be forced to withdraw the dictatorial measures against the people of Aden, who must have independence.

There is a solution to the crisis, but it needs nationalizatior of the banks and monopolies, and removal of the Wilson leadership.

FUR THE MITARY DEF THE NEW!

Socialists had marched almost a year ago to the day, only three weeks before the election of the Page Thre In the Labour government today, said Ashby, 'we have a government which is openly doing the dirty work for the Tories and paves the way for the Tories, unless action is taken now.

It was the working class which put Wilson in power. We call on the working class to remove this leadership?

The Young Socialists, he said, had an important part to play 'because we have tested in the work in the Young Socialists that young workers, who are not offered anything by capitalism, are prepared to march behind banners for socialist policies'.

Young Socialists were not afraid to call a spade a spade.

"They say that the Wilson Cabinet is a Cabinet of traitors and our task is to build an alternative to that.' Wilson adopted the language of the Devlin Report on the docks when he referred to 'wreckers'.

In our opinion, the wrecking force is capitalism on a world scale, which kills millions of colonial workers and in advanced capitalist countries, even in the United States, is unable to provide an existence for millions of workers?

The aim of the youth was to wreck this system and bring all the benefits of modern science into the hands of the working class.

This was no pie in the sky perspective, he added.

LP scared of youth Editor of 'Keep Left', Aileen Jennings, congratulated the youth on the efforts made for the demonstration, especially at a time when the leadership of the Labour Party was proposing at its conference to destroy what was left of its youth movement.

"This action of their's shows, more than anything else, that the right wing of the Labour Party is desperately afraid of the youth. They have always feared the youth and have fought their hardest to prevent the building of a socialist youth movement inside the Labour Party?

This same youth that they attacked so viciously was hostile to capitalism and did not want the half and half measures of the pacifists and the reformists. These measures did nothing to destroy capitalism and left all the millions of pounds of profit in the hands of the monopolists, she said.

'We live today in a period where we will either destroy capitalism, or mankind will be destroyed by nuclear war: The youth do not want to face a future of annihilation and that is why they will have nothing to do with all those who attempt to keep capitalist warmongers going' It was because of their absolute opposition to imperialist war that the Young Socialists could be especially proud of their struggle against U.S. aggression in Viet'We have a different point of view from the pacifists, who are neutral and want a phoney peace. We support the Vietcong and fight for its victory over the American forces. We recognise that a blow at British imperialism is the only way we can assist workers and peasants throughout the world to establish real peace.' Aileen Jennings explained that the Young Socialists' victory in Aileen Jennings: 'Labour Party desperately afraid of youth.

the fight for socialism depended on the support from the adult workers in the trade union and labour movement.

That was why the Young Socialists united with the older sections of workers against Wilson's decision not to pay the pensions increase until March 1965 after the existing pension had already been reduced by the rise in the cost of living.

In the same way, we support the Transport and General Workers' Union in their fight against legislation against the trade unions and against wage freeze.

"We call on all members of the labour and trade union movement to oppose all legal restrictions on the trade 'unions and to fight against wage freezing.

'We support all delegates to the Labour Party conference who want to fight against Wilson's disastrous policies.

'Although Wilson has expelled us from the Labour Party, we think that this split is only temporary. We fight for the day when we can unite with Labour Party and trade union members who want to fight and build to OF AMERICAN TROOPS At the head of the march (from l. to r.): Gerry Healy, national secretary of the Socialist Labour League, Mair Davies, Central Committee member and Cliff Slaughter, editor of 'Fourth International'. get rid of Toryism, and its hangers-on in the Labour Party leadership, forever.' Gerry Healy, national secretary of the Socialist Labour League, on behalf of the Central Committee and trade unionists thanked the Young Socialists for a "magnificent demonstration'.

He said that two years ago, the Labour Party had decided its election policy. At the 1963 conference, representatives of the entire labour and trade union movement had voted for policies presented by Wilson and the right wing.

One of these was that the brain drain was going to cease.

Wilson had said Britain would become a new scientific state.

'I wonder how Mr. Wilson is going to explain on Tuesday that leading aircraft workers and scientists are being recruited by business firms on the American west coast through a labour exchange scheme?

Mr. Wilson should be asked if it was true that when he promised this scientific revolution he was making a speech he did not believe in—a speech of hypocrisy? pree, we chalenge him at 'On every single election pledge, added.

Actions on Vietnam and the proposed legislation against the A section of the large crowd at the beach meeting at the unions were not the actions of a Labour leader. These actions were no different from those of Ramsay MacDonald in 1931.

'We think its time to nail a few lies,' said Healy, adding 'this government is not a socialist government. This is a government carrying out the same policies as the Tories. The Tories want to keep them in power to discredit the labour movement and to split the trade unions from the Labour Party, weakening the working class in the factories and in the shop stewards' movement. The Tories want to let Wilson do the dirty work.' Not democratic Labour Party members were not working in a democratic party and there were no democratic conferences - the 1960 bomb issue had proved this when Gaitskell had defied a conference decision.

The labour movement was ruled by a handful of right-wing trade union and Labour leaders who were wined and dined by the bankers-Callaghan had gone to Wall Street recently, and Wilson, after denouncing the dockers as 'wreckers', went to see the Lord Mayor of London, who is head of one of the biggest business centres in Britain.

Task Wilson, who are the currency speculators who have been attacking the £. Name them. Put them on trial. Why is Wilson wily about names, yet he calls the dockers "wreckers"?

"He is playing this dirty, stinking trick to divide the working class.

'Is not the labour movement entitled to an election?' Healy asked.

Nationalization of the banks and the major industries was impossible while the banks were dominant.

It was also impossible to reform capitalism to make the system work. A Labour government that made capitalism work was not a socialist government, but a capitalist government carrying out capitalist policies.

It was impossible, as some in the labour and trade union movement thought, to fight Wilson with resolutions. IN "The 'real place to fight him is in the factories through strong organisation, on the streets, and in the youth movement, to provide an alternative leadership to take this movement to power,' Healy said.

Notice served

The demonstration had also served notice on the fake lefts and 'teach-in' gentlemen who spoke out through both sides of their mouths at the same time, and who attacked the Young Socialists when they fought for socialist policies.

These same people would face the right wing at the conference and hear the Labour Party disband their own Young Socialist movement.

Healy said that the Devlin Report had devoted four pages to the Socialist Labour League's 'activities' on the docks.

He denied that the League had ever conspired on the docks, or indeed needed to.

'Our policy has always been clear. We supported the "Blue" Union recruiting in 1954, because the Transport and General Workers' Union had left a trail of diabolical working conditions that any union could ever leave.' The decision by the northern dockers to recruit to the 'Blue' Union had been taken by themselves.

'We oppose the Report on matters of policy. We don't think you should have employers on the docks. It is a national industry. The country relies on it. Why should the employers be allowed to put up the cost of living. Only the nationalization of the docks can help the dockers plan the industry,' he said.

"Impressive turn-out' says docker AT the afternoon meeting in the Palatine Hotel, Liverpool docker, Peter Kerrigan told the 700-strong audience:

'Every docker I spoke to and members of other trade unions and rent committees, were impressed with the turn out of youth and conviction of the youth. As far as my experience is concerned in 20 years on the docks, it is the first time that the youth have marched with the docker and other trades in a demonstration demanding policies which would be the answer to some of their problems.' As the youth had been attacked by the right wing, dockers now faced an attack on their democracy on the docks.

But, as in the 1950s in the struggle against wage restraint, dockers were today in the vanguard of the struggles of the working class.

The Devlin Report was an attack on democracy by attempting to exclude the 'Blue' Union. This action went hand in hand with Gunter's idea of 100 per cent trade unionism and the proposed legislation.

A defeat for the Devlin Report would be a victory for the whole working class.

"This is why it gives me great heart to see this demonstration of youth, because many youth are going on to the docks, said Kerrigan..

He also praised The Newsletter for the role it had played in reporting the actions of the dockers.

Cliff Slaughter, editor of 'Fourth International', theoretical magazine of the International Committee of the Fourth International, said that the Young Labour government demanding an end to Toryism. This demonstration also criticised the government which was going to be voted into power.

Many of those who made this fight had been expelled from the Labour Party and its Young Socialist organisation for being 'disloyal'.

'But who was right? What happened?' Slaughter asked.

'Were all those people right who said Wilson was a leftwinger?—he has not even carried out the limited promises he made.' "Ignore loyalty call' The demand of this year's demonstration was not that Wilson must carry out socialist policies, but that Wilson had to go.

Talk of loyalty' ignored.

'One cannot be loyal to a government which is carrying out Tory policies. Let the government be loyal to Labour.' Labour Ministers were only loyal to the international bankers, like Ramsay MacDonald had been in 1931, when he had cut the dole to ensure a loan. This time the 'gesture' to the bankers was legislation against trade unions.

In fact, soon after Labour Minister, Ray Gunter, had warned the Trades Union Congress of this, Callaghan had gone to visit the Wall Street bankers.

The Labour government, which had been created by the unions, was now turning round and attacking the freedom of the unions, which had been granted 140 years ago.

This was not a sign of strength in capitalism, but a sign of weakness.

Legislation would mean a move towards a totalitarian, or corporate state, like that prepared in Germany in the 1920s and 1930s.

This was also posed following the statement of Liberal leader Grimond in terms of a coalition. It was no wonder that Wyatt and Donnelly, the two Labour MPs who had put forward the idea of a Lib-Lab pact, had not been disciplined or expelled, while Young Socialists had been ruthlessly.

The right wing had gone ahead and divided workers with an Act more racialist than the Tory Immigration Act. 'We never recognise any difference of nationality, race or colour, only a struggle against imperialism. There is no victory for the British working class without the defeat of imperialism, which threatens Latin America and the colonial people,' said Slaughter.

The right wing would also attempt to weaken the working class by deliberately taking measures to increase unemployment to hold back demands for higher wages.

Internationally the government was carrying out the most vicious policies to defend the 'British Raj' to prepare exploitation all over the world.

Fight begins now

In Britain legislation against the unions was one thing, said Slaughter. But the enforcement and carrying it through is another thing. The fight begins now.' Already workers were beginning to fight without the leadership of the trades unions. These leaders feared the workers-the 'unofficial elements' referred to by Woodcock at the Trades Union Congress.

The bureaucracies in trades unions and governments were enemies of the working class.

Trotsky had organised to fight these bureaucrats.

"This is why Trotsky and Marxism is attracting people today,' said Slaughter.

'We are the only party to appeal to the working class as a class.

'When dockers agree with The Newsletter, they know their fight will have to be fought to the end up against not only the employers, but against the government's campaign of slander.' Slaughter said that the Young Socialists and the Socialist Labour League would continue to unite all workers, and mobilise them in a struggle to centralise the wealth in the hands of the working class.

"This is our incomes policy, our crisis policy. This investment can destroy capitalism.'

THE reprinting of Trotsky's 'History of the Russian Revolution' is an important event. It puts a major Marxist work at the disposal of a new generation of volutionaries.

In recounting the events of 1917,. Trotsky analyses and generalises the experience of the Bolshevik Party in leading the first victorious workers' revolution.

Through the concrete detail of the fight for leadership of the masses, the book encompasses every aspect of Marxist theory.

First of many The reappearance this of book will inevitably bring forth a spate of comment from sources with nothing in common with Trotsky. If we look at Paul Potts' review in the 'Sunday Telegraph', it is only as the first of a line.

Potts gives us some of the sentimental admiration for Trotsky often affected by those most hostile to Trotsky's ideas and work ... 'an artist ... ranks with Vico and Gibbon •.• genuine desire for human betterment . . . neither . .. personally ambitious or vain ... reverend regard for truth ..., etc., etc.

But the reviewer is as incapable of understanding the book as he is of its subject or its author.

Trotsky the historian, like Trotsky the orator or Trotsky the literary critic, was, all his life, a revolutionary fighter. He saw that capitalism stole men's muscles and brains and emotions to turn them into money.

He devoted all the energy, talent and passion at his disposal to building a party which could lead the working masses to smash that system and take over the power.

Scientific If Trotsky was factually objective, it was because the workers' party based itself on a scientific understanding to win its struggle. If he wrote brilliantly it was because he saw himself in the perspective of the building of the party through which the working class would emancipate itself and all humanity from imperialism.

It was his revolutionary determination and the experience of its application in the workers' movement which made it possible for Trotsky to grasp the meaning of the events of 1917.

Every line of his book demonstrates the power of the Marxist method to penetrate the essence of the historical process. But this power itself reflects the revolutionary power of the working class.

Potts thinks that Trotsky believed in a 'fore ordained' Trotsky: analyses experience Bolshevik Party 'dialectic of history'.

Anyone who reads the book with the slightest understanding, however, will know that Trotsky had no such automatic view. The whole meaning of 1917 is shown to point to the vital role of decisive conscious leadership.

This is the lesson Trotsky, like Lenin before him, drew from the Russian Revolution for the international labour movement.

As he says in the preface:

'Only on the basis of a study of political processes in the masses themselves can we understand the role of parties and leaders, whom we least of all are inclined to ignore.... Without a guiding organisation the energy of the masses would dissipate like steam not enclosed in a piston box. But nevertheless, what moves things is not the piston or the box, but the steam.' (p. 19).

The hero of this book is not, as Potts makes out, 'the spirit of history. It is the oppressed millions of workers and peasants who, through the party of Lenin and Trotsky, reached out for consciousness and the power to control their own lives.

Kronstadt example Look, for example, at Kronstadt sailors:

"Tempered in the terrible regime of the Czarist fleet and the naval fortress, accustomed to stern work, to sacrifices, but also to fury, these sailors, now when the curtain of the new life was beginning to rise before them, a life in which they felt themselves to be the coming masters, tightened all their sinews in order to prove themselves worthy of the revolution.

"They thirstily threw themselves upon both friends and enemies in Petrograd and almost dragged them by force to Kronstadt, in order to show them what revolutionary seamen are in action.' (p. 441).

Potts, the sentimental radical, reduces this to 'the genuine desire of ordinary people for equality and freedom'.

thinks that Trotsky was 'taken completely by surprise by the advent of Stalin'. Because Trotsky saw the history of our time, not as an observer, but as a revolutionary leader, he did not regard the rise of Stalin and the degeneration of the Soviet Union as events which came from nowhere.

Major contribution On the contrary, his major contribution was to grasp the connection between their development and their historical setting. He wrote the History of the Russian Revolution' in exile, when Stalinism had already exhibited its essential features.

He was thus able to understand the nature of bureaucracy, its roots in imperialism, and the defeat of the working class. He was, therefore, able to shaw the way to build a movement with which to destroy the bureaucracy and imperialism.

Potts, wishing to praise Lenin and Trotsky, says that without them 'the spirit of the revolution seemed to vanish more quickly than Czardom had'.

But Trotsky the Marxist knew better. He saw that, despite all the crimes of the bureaucrats, the struggle of the world working class for power, embodied in the conquests of October 1917, still went on.

Instead of turning his back on the Russian Revolution, he spent his last years fighting to rebuild the world communist movement, so that the revolution could be extended to the advanced countries and Stalinism destroyed.

Contribution to fight Whatever Paul Potts, or for that matter the publishers, Victor Gollancz, may think, the real significance of the re-issue of this book is its contribution to continuing that fight.

Potts tells us that 'one day there will be a statue to (Trotsky) in Moscow'.

Trotsky's monument, however, already exists. It is the struggle for the Fourth International, and the thousands of young workers and students, in Russia as well as in Britain and throughout the world, who today are turning towards the movement he fought for.

The march of the 2,000 Young Socialists, and their trade unionist supporters, through Blackpool last weekend behind the banner of Trotsky and his policies was a striking example of this struggle, and another brick in Trotsky's monument.

Two 1.965

Fake left muster miserable vote % Y 6,793,000 to 830,000 votes the Labour Party Conference at Blackpool • decided to accept the proposed amendments submitted by the National Executive Committee restricting the Young Socialists. This decision virtually puts an end to Labour's youth movement as a national organisation.

The enormous majority against the Young Socialists is a reflection of the dominance of the right wing within the Labour Party and the trade unions. The fake left of "Tribune' opposed the amendments, but since they are so heavily compromised within the Party thev. mustered verv little influence.

Those state capitalist and Pabloite youth who were going to do so much to change the Labour Party, latched onto the usual anti-Trotskyist arguments. Their spokesmen claimed that the reason why the amendments should not be carried was that all the Trotskyists had been expelled, political issue, the Socialist something, of course, which Outlook' got 1,596,000 votes to incree Labour's youth should consider joining the only YS movement to constantly fight the right wing.

BOOK REVIEW PROFESSOR Wedderburn sets out to write a book which would be intelligible to both the layman and the lawyer. He has been successful within the confines of a certain political standpoint.

His survey and review of the development and content of the Law as it relates to the working class is embracing, and it is accurate in the sense that no relevant Act, case, or legal discussion has been omitted.

For a lawyer, the Professor is quite radical. His sympathy for the working class is repeatedly expressed in his commentary, although he makes no explicit political statement.

He does not subscribe to the myth that judges are impartial or believe that the relationship between the Law and the working class is a happy one; but he does not understand the relationship between Law, state and class.

He has noticed certain trends within the Law over the past 10 years.

'In more than one chapter of labour law, we have noticed that the courts have once again • .. begun to exhibit less sympathy for the defendant trade unionist engaged on a strike and the worker plaintiff injured at work. ... In 1964 the reinterpretation of strike law went so far that trade unionists justifiably felt ... • that old attitudes of judicial antipathy had been unearthed anew.' •... there has been a decrease recently at certain levels in the sympathy felt towards collective workers' groups. The reasons for its appearance are an interesting sociological puzzle (my emphasis-G.M.).

It is often based upon no close contacts with trade unions; but, whether ill-informed or not, it they fully supported.

This anti-Trotskyism weakened them still further since the political jungle is already full of witch-hunters of this description.

Contrast the miserable results from their campaign with the struggle waged by the 'Socialist Outlook' against it being banned in 1954.

Trotskyists' right

The "Socialist Outlook' fought on the policy of the right of Trotskyists to be members of the Labour Party and enjoy minority status the same as others. By coming out openly in this way, and camug lur d swuggie un a cicar mollino fan a The worker and the law is there. ... It (the trend)

certainly cannot be overlooked in the recent judgements in the British House of Lords.' This hardening of the courts has been the subject of comment for a long time now, and indeed, it is, as the Professor says, a puzzling phenomenon-but only for those who do not understand the function of the courts in a class society.

Marxists have always held that in capitalism, the law exists to regulate the positions of the classes, or, in the last analysis, to contain and repress the working class by force, if need be.

Law changes in order to correspond with the changing requirements of the capitalist class, for the apparatus of the law, the police, magistrates' and higher courts are direct instruments of that class. In no sense do these functionaries stand outside the class struggle.

The change in the Judges' attitudes coincides with the emergence of an historic crisis in capitalism, and the unavoidable necessity to first hamstring, and then destroy, the organisations of the working class.

It is not due to some collective idiosyncracy on their part, or the fact that one Lord Chief Justice has followed another, or the inevitable swing of the pendulum.

If the pendulum swings someone is controlling it.

At the end of the Second World War, European capitalism, discredited as a system of mass unemployment and wars, teetered on the brink of revolution.

In France and Italy, where the Stalinists had a substantial base in the working class, it was the Communist Party which came to the rescue of the employers and made a major contribution to the re-establishment of the bourgeois state.

Blackpool, 4,475,000 votes against.

This is the difference between the Marxist way of waging a struggle inside the Labour Party and the centrists, who constantly crawl before the right wing. The results also put an end to the theory that there is a lot of fraternal support for the youth inside the Labour Party.

It is reported that two unions, the Association of Supervisory Staffs, Executives and Technicians and the National Union of Public Employees, cast their votes against the amendments. If this is the :ase, support in the constituency parties cannot have been very strong, something which our fake lefts will now be forced to take into account.

Exposed traitors

The main lesson from the struggle inside the Young Socialists, is that the Trotskyist tendency, represented by supporters of the Socialist Labour League, fought the right wing on policy questions and exposed them, as traitors before the General Election took place. This has greatly strengthened the youth movement as can be seen by last Sunday's magnificent demonstration at Blackpool.

Those Young Socialists who will be learning the bitter lesson from the conference would do well to consider immediately joining the only Young Socialist movement which has constantly fought the right wing.

Pelican In Britain, the small Communist Party did its share, of course, but the burden fell principally on the new Labour government, and so there was a programme of largescale reforms, designed to blunt the edge of working-class militancy and contain its revolutionary currents within the limits of capitalism.

Into this massive accommodation the whole of the state apparatus was conscripted. The judiciary, one of the most sensitive political barometers, appeared, in the late forties and early fifties, in an almost benign guise.

Where the classes clashed diseat tereolin, madd, their usual example, arrested the squatters' leaders. Squatters were treated very leniently at the Old Bailey, compared with what would have happened ten years earlier.

Where class interests conflicted less dramatically, as, for instance, in industrial accident cases, the Judges, with the help of certain new laws enabled many thousands of injured workers to obtain compensation from employers and insurance companies.

In those years, reformist commentators rejoiced at the apparent ability of social democracy to transform capitalism, and the seeming willingness of capitalist agencies to move with the times.

What these gentlemen did not understand was that the real control over these reforms was in the hands of the capitalists, who used the Attlee government, instead of being the government itself.

World markets were wide open; traditional British products, produced in the traditional manner, could fill these markets and face little opposition. There was still a comfortable bolster of profits from overseas investment.

Within ten years, however, competitors trom other capitalist economies, usually producing at a higher technological level, forced a change in strategy.

The working class could no longer be contained, but had to be destroyed politically. The ideological content for an attack on the labour movement was being worked out together by the middle fifties with intensive, if unoriginal propaganda about the 'national interest' and the emergence of an unadorned Toryism questioning the closed shop and the right to strike.

From this period on, the attitudes and decisions of the judges began to change to make reality conform to the aims of big business.

The main target was the relative freedom of the working class to take industrial action- to 'black' work, to strike and to picket.

On the periphery of the situation, the effects were felt by nuclear disarmers, Lucky Gordon, Blake, the spy, and Wilson, the train robber.

Law was reinterpreted to debar many injured workers from suing for damages with any hope of success.

The judges began to conform once more to their classic reactionary image.

On the one hand we had them wigged and gowned in court spearheading the capitalist attack on the trade unions. On the other, we saw them more soberly attired bringing up the rear of the bourgeoisie to clear away the mess of rubbish and decay of scandals and crises, like the doleful men who follow the Lord Mayor's horses.

That this transformation should take place amidst all the effervescent claptrap about affluence is naturally something of an enigma to that broad leftist trend to which Professor Wedderburn undoubtedly belongs.

If the Professor does not accept the close-working relationship by between the capitalist class and all state institutions, then, of course, the behaviour of the judiciary is inexplicable and has to be relegated to the status of an 'interesting sociological puzzle'.

And what to do about it anyway?

'We need in Britain intensified study of the law in terms of the impact of such interests' ... (group, class, sectional).

But what is there to unearth which is not already plain to see?

Daily, the agitation against the unions increases. The House of Lords stands a good chance of being overshadowed by the Labour government itself.

Laws may well be passed which will regulate all conditions of employment and transform the unions into law enforcement agencies rather than defence organisations of the working class.

If Wilson lasts long enough, he is virtually certain to peg wages by statute and anticipate other recommendations of the recently appointed Royal Commission.

Can the behaviour of the judiciary really be dissociated from this strong general movement?

Isn't the relationship between the worker and the law an integral part of the struggle between the worker and the capitalist? What should 'we' study then?

Professor Wedderburn, and all his friends on the left, had better wake up to something-a showdown is pending. The working class is not going to be sidetracked into week-end schools about Law Reform, whilst Parliament enacts legislation to destroy the unions.

It is going to construct a party which will settle questions of law and other matters in terms of class power.

The author should study what happened at Blackpool last weekend. wing?

Little wonder that two years after this was written, no struggles against this right wing can be recorded — apart, of course, from the publication of leaflets.

Political retreat

The political resolution adopted at the 1963 congress mapped out similar retreats. Apart from the customary jingoism about the role of the Tories in 'national betrayal' and the 'sacrifice of national independence' the same alliance with the fakers and right wing was projected.

The only advice on how to fight the right wing was contained in one paragraph:

"The replacement of the Tory government by a Labour government will be most effective if the pressure of the mass movement for the Labour government to break with bi-partisan policies is accompanied by the election of a group of Communist MPs, who will conduct the battle in Parliament for progressive policies in home and foreign affairs.' Have Party members the right to ask how this, the only advice offered in 1963 on how to fight the right wing, was carried out, and why it led to such an abysmal failure at the polls (the only test of such a policy) in 1964?

No. The report states bluntly that after a big drop in its only two electoral strongholds, West Fife and Rhonda (the latter now a subject of a Party enquiry) 'at the General Election our 36 candidates conducted a magnificent campaign, gaining a total vote of 46,532'. The executive claims that 'through our 36 candidates we advanced challenging alternative policies on all the issues'.

What sort of a challenge was this? What sort of issues?

In 1965, in a year of sharpening class struggle, in a year when communist, as opposed to reformist, policies should and, in fact, do have the greatest

Communist Party Executive Committee's report for the 29th Party Congress will give members critical of past and present policy much food for thought-not so much by what it contains, but by what is left out.

Rank-and-file members of a self-styled Marxist - Leninist party have a right to demand that a report by the leadership on its work since the last congress should contain a careful analysis of the developments of the world political scene over the last two years, and an objective balance sheet drawn up of the performance of the party in matching up to that situation.

Finally, there should be a checking over of the accuracy and fulfillment of the perspectives agreed upon at the last congress at Easter 1963.

But Party members will look in vain for such a report.

Instead, they are dished up page after page of secondary details concerning election finances, titles of leaflets and pamphlets published, totals of dues collected, appeals heard, members expelled and posters displayed.

It is vital for the growing number of oppositionists inside the Communist Party to understand why both Harold Wilson and Communist Party secretary, John Gollan, present the same bureaucratic face to their members when called upon to No Marxist analysis by Gollan ZOBERT BLACK analyses British CP executive's report to the Party's 29th Congress give an account of their activity in the labour movement.

Each is unable to face a reckoning with their critics because their policies, in different ways, help to prevent the development of a working-class challenge to capitalism. The rapid swing to the right by Wilson and his 'left' supporters in the year before the General Election had its counterpart in the British Communist Party.

Alliance with lefts' Close study of the resolutions adopted at the 1963 Party congress will reveal that it was here that the leadership consciously attempted to prepare the rank and file for a still closer alliance with the so-called lefts' and 'progressives' in the Labour Party and trade unions.

Gollan is unable to make any Marxist analysis of the present tasks of a real Communist Party precisely because his last card is staked on a block with those elements in the labour movement who play such a pernicious role in heading off the fight against the right wing. It is these same elements who claim that it is sectarian to talk of building a new leadership for the working class.

The pathetic illusion that the 'Daily Worker' will become the successor to the 'Daily Herald' is another aspect of this Stalinist strategy of the closest possible alliance with the opportunists in order to create some field of influence for a fast declining organisation.

It is these same 'lefts' who are boosted every day in the Party press and continue to confuse workers over such key questions as steel nationalization, housing, pensions, the Vietnam war and immigration control.

Party members will not find one word about the role of the Foots and the Brockways in the executive committee's report.

The deeper the crisis of the right wing in the trade unions, the closer Stalinism attempts to get to it.

The Communist Party faction in the Amalgamated Engineering Union voted with the right wing on a vote of confidence in the Labour government, while the same line-up took shape in the General and Municipal Workers' Union on the question of the government's incomes policy.

These capitulations are not accidents-they flow from a well-worked-out strategy.

The trade union resolution adopted at the 1963 congress made an attempt to present the Communist Party as a thoroughly respectable, nonfactional supporter of trade unionism in general, and of the Trades Union Congress General Council in particular.

Attend branches

The original draft criticised workers who 'go it alone' (with reference to the dispute at Ford) and recommended workers to attend their branch meetings more regularly. This section was withdrawn only after considerable opposition from trade union members.

One and a half pages of the final resolution were devoted to suggestions on the improvement of the work of the General Council. In the light of recent developments on that body, Party militants are well advised to re-read this section, which, amongst other pipe dreams, calls upon TUC general secretary, George Woodcock, and company to 'mobilise trade union strength behind the unions, or groups of unions, engaged in struggles with the government or the employers'.

Where is the working class? Where is the struggle against the right wing? What is the role of the General Council as the main bulwark of this right appeal since the war, the executive has to admit that 'there was a certain (sic) slowing down in the rate of recruitment, and this was particularly apparent in the period following [our emphasis] the General Election'® Similarly, the youth report ignores the collapse of the Young Communist League leadership after the mass expulsions of last year, and the wiping out of whole student branches after student members had demanded from the leadership a reckoning of their role in the perversion of history and Marxist theory in the period of Stalin.

The fact that in the Electrical Trades Union, an entire cadres chose full-time employment with the union rather than membership of the Party is glossed over by praise for the rank and filers who remained.

Renegades' evolution What loyal members have a right to know, and are not told, is the story of the political evolution of such renegades who can be so easily bought out. What the rank and file need is not soft soap about loyalty' (to what?), but a settling of accounts with the industrial department of the Communist Party, which was responsible for the political training of the Electrical Trades Union faction.

When Mr. Jack Dash (leader of the London Liaison Committee) calls for moderation and common sense on the docks, and Mr. Will Paynter (secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers) calls for realism and restraint in the pits, communists know that these actions strengthen the right wing, and hence the power of the capitalist over the working class.

Instead of expending the entire financial and physical resources of the Party on securing an unprincipled alliance with the right wing and its agents, a communist organisation is one which should be fighting to develop the understanding of the working class, as a class capable of taking power.

This it does in conflict with all those who bring other conceptions into the workers' movement from its aristocracy and the middle class.

The role of the centrists and the fakers is to promise the working class the earth, if only they abjure from independent struggle and leave everything to the men with the right contacts, the right connections and the freedom of the columns of "Tribune'.

But the report of the Communist Party executive itself exudes this bureaucratic conception of the working class, as something to be manoeuvred and placated by combinations in the superstructure, thereby hoping to convey the impression that "something is being done'.

Threat to militants

We can be quite sure that this leadership will pose no threat to the ruling class of Britain, but it remains a real threat to many militants in the trade unions attracted by the left noises that it makes from time to time.

To follow this leadership is to court certain defeat.

It offers no programme of demands that lead to the taking of power, but merely stop-gap solutions to the problems of British capitalism, from the cutting of the arms bill by half to boost home investment, to suggestions to the Labour government of how to solve the balance of payments crisis.

To understand how this leadership has evolved, and how it has betrayed every principle of communism, is the main task of all Pariy oppositionists.

To do this is to study the history of the Russian revolution, and the faction fight between Trotsky and and Stalin for the destiny of the communist international.

Armed with this understanding, Party militants will be able to play their full part in the fight to build a new, truly revolutionary leadership in Britain.

Nortencies arutrand te government hitePaper on Immigration. When this White Paper was debated at the Labour Party Conference in Page I nO Octo e r 2, 1965

Blackpool on Wednesday afternoon, pro-government speakers were constantly booed and interrupted, but the vote was a crushing one in favour of the government4,736,000 to 1,581,000.

The debate had included pleas from Reg Freeson, MP, and others for reason and factual analysis from the government. Alice Bacon, replying, preferred to accept the support of people like Robert Mellish, MP. 'Go down to Victoria Station [London] and see on Sunday nights hundreds of these people coming from the West Indies, with no homes here, to jobs, and some without friends,' he counselled conference.

He also reminded the 'left' that the White Paper was the collective responsibility of the government, including Barbara Castle and Anthony Greenwood. He could have added the name of Frank Cousins.

This victory for the right wing is, of course, only one part of their completely pro - capitalist policies.

'LEFT' MYTH

But it is also the result of the 'lefts' own role. Many of them, like Cousins, joined the government. Michael Foot wrote a biography of Wilson. They all helped perpetuate the myth of the 'left' government and they are now saddled with the most openly racialist measures in British history.

Wilson excused these measures in a few phrases, which will go down as a brilliant example of the art of political chicanery. He excused racialism on the grounds of defending democracy. Timber-rate dispute in Newcastle and Bristol work this week in a dispu Men at the Avonmouth dor tion had made it impossible for them to earn a reasonable wage at the rate being paid for timber.

A dockers' spokesman said that the agreement negotiated between the employers and the Transport and General Workers' Union was 'hopelessly inadequate'.

It was reported that 1,000 dockers took part in the unofficial strike at Avonmouth.

Over 300 dockers at the Newcastle-on-Tyne port agreed on Tuesday to continue the strike they started on Monday this week.

SAME RATE

They claim they are getting the same rate of pay for discharging easy and awkward cargoes. Arbitration is expected on the Tyne on Thursday, to examine the cargoes over which the men took action.

Both on the Tyne and at Avonmouth the dockers are showing a determination against being pushed around by the port employers.

The disputes go further than just a strike over pay. The port employers are attempting, in the face of a rejection of the Dear friend, 'YOUNG SOCIALIST' FUND The increase in cost of printing has compelled us to appeal to our friends and well-wishers for contributions to ensure the continued and regular publication of the 'Young Socialist'. The increase in price to Re. 1.00 (Is. 6d.) with effect from the last issue, did not, however, provide a solution to the financial problem.

Started five years ago, 'We cannot take the risk of allowing the democracy of this country to become stained, tarnished with the taint of racialism, or of colour prejudice,' he told conference on Tuesday.

Y S 'RIGHTS'

These 'defenders of democracy' had already rolled up six million votes to 830,000 against any political rights for the rump known as the Labour Party Young Socialists.

All Young Socialist conference delegates and National Committee members will in future be appointed by the adult party, no political resolutions will be discussed at the national conference, and regional federations are abolished.

All the 'dynamism' of 'getting Britain going' will, presumably, come from a Party which dare not have a youth movement, even after the Trotskyists they denounced have set up their own organisation, independent of the Labour Party.

Those left-wingers' who congratulated themselves on the 830,000 votes are truly deceiving themselves. Ten years By a Newsletter • correspondent and Newcastle-on-Tyne e over pay. ks, Bristol, said that mechanisaDevlin report by the majority of the rank and file dockers, to clamp down on the port workers.

This is done through attacks on the wages of the dockers. But the men are not in a weak position. They have made their position clear on Devlin, imechanisation, attacks on wages, and any planned redundancy.

Avonmouth and Newcastleon-Tyne dockers must join the dockers of Hull and Liverpool who have voted unanimously to reject the Devlin Report and who have called for the full nationalization of the docks. Rail pay offer ALTHOUGH drivers in the Southern Region have been offered a 46s. a week increase in wages, the deal does not appear to be as magnanimous as it might be at first sight.

The recommendation is in a court of inquiry report.

The report may have been welcomed by the Railways Board general secretary of the National Union of Railwaymen may have announced that the report opened the way to a settlement, but there is still the whole gas one of she o-mina points of the dispute. AN APPEAL FROM CEYLON the intention of providing a forum of discussion on problems of topical interest from a socialist point of view, the 'Young Socialist' shall continue to serve that end.

At a time when regrouping and realignment in the left are the order of the day, when words like , "revisionism', 'ultra-leftism' and 'sectarianism' are being bandied about freely, this purpose acquires an added importance. he governments support - for U.S. imperialist war in Vietnam was endorsed at Blackpool on Wednesday by 4,065,000 votes to 2,284,000. This was the majority against a moderate composite resolution calling on the government to dissociate from U.S. policy in Vietnam, stop the bombing and negotiate with the Vietcong.

Wilson, replying to the debate, ignored the description of the bloody war by the movers of the resolution, and ignored the question from a Nottingham delegate:

'If you and Stewart were in Vietnam, would you be on the side of the Vietnamese people, or of a South Vietnam prime minister, who is a great admirer of Adolf Hitler?' Demanded rights Ray Gunter, conference chairman, first declared the resolution overwhelmingly defeated, and refused a card vote, until John Mendelson MP, the mover, pointed out his constitutional right to demand one.

The right-wing character of this conference was shown clearly when Gunter asked if a card vote should be taken, and got an overwhelming show against.

In other words, the delegates were prepared to vote away own rights without question.

Wilson and the Labour Cabinet went to the conference this week and continued the work of MacDonald, Bevin, Deakin and Gaitskell, and all the worst right-wing opponents of socialism in Labour Party history.

The Cabinet has capitulated to international finance capital in response to their demand for laws against the right to strike.

Yet Wilson received an overwhelming vote for capitalist policies from the big unions at this Blackpool conference. Overwhelmingly, these union representatives voted for racialist measures on immigration, for an imperialist war in Vietnam, and for continued support for employers' government.

ago twice this vote was recorded against the ban on the "Socialist Outlook', In point of fact, Gunter, Wyatt, Wilson, and the right wing intimidated the left'.

In the debate on the government's record Peter Price (Nottingham) thought fit to congratulate Wyatt for his 'courage', thus rightly raising in everyone's mind just how much 'courage', and resolution lay behind Price's constituency's motion against the war in Vietnam.

The critics of the government policy were muffled and rendered ineffective, not by the strength of the right-wing machine as some of them think, but by their own political weaknesses. Time and again they raised criticism, but always within the context of 'loyalty' to the government.

TRAMPLED

The historic significance of this conference is very different. This could be the last Labour government. In order to carry out its drastic attacks on the working class, the Wilson government must trample on every tradition of the labour movement at this Labour conference.

The refusal of the 'left' to break from the old alternatives of Toryism or loyalty to Labour' amounts to a collaboration in the betrayal of the right.

Some of these left' MPs and trade union leaders attended a Winter strikes soon Newsletter Industrial Reporter MEELINGS of the London busmen have exploded ove their winter schedules.

At the thousand-strong New Cross bus garage in Deptford men met on Tuesday to decide whether or not to stop work.

If the schedules are rejected then it is considered likely that a strike will begin on October 3, the date when the schedules are supposed to begin.

Because it is a very large garage the New Cross depot has a large amount of influence amongst other London garages and it is well known that there are many other garages which are dissatisfied over the schedules.

This move on the question of schedules follows hard on the heels of another dispute in Southall where busmen are protesting against the reorganisation of routes in West London.

From Tuesday crews at Southall garage were to ban all overtime and busmen at Hendon and Edgware are banning overtime until next Sunday.

One-day strikes on October 4 and 9 will be held by the Hanwell bus workers.

The busmen claim that the scheme, which is to start next Sunday, to divert buses from areas of traffic congestion, will reduce the services and thus put men out of work.

We have estimated that a subsidy of Rs. 5,000 (about £380) would be required to continue publication • as a quarterly till the end of 1966. We therefore appeal to you for your generous contributions to reach this target.

All contributions will be acknowledged separately and listed in the magazine under your own name or otherwise as you prefer it.

Subscription rates have "teach-in' called by five white-collar unions on the Sunday before the conference. They applauded statements to the effect that the workers themselves would resist any legislation against strikes. • "The workers will have the last word', they said, carefully avoiding the question that in this case workers have the first words.

RISK PRISON

They happily call upon workers to risk not only their livelihood, but even imprisonment under new laws, laws which they can stop by voting against the government in the House of Commons. They have only to threaten this and the legislation cannot go through, as Clive Jenkins, secretary of the Association of Supervisory: Staffs, Executives and Technicians, reminded them.

This typifies the crisis of the left. Precisely at the point where the right wing serves imperialism most directly, this 'left' is unable to give any lead. They have become more closely tied to the right wing than to any interests of the working class.

The lesson is clear. On all issues, domestic and foreign, a ›olitically independent working-class movement must be built around the Young Socialists and the *Socialist Labour League to clear out the Labour traitors.

BREAD roundsmen of the United Road Transport Union marched through Blackpool on Tuesday in protest against the failure of their employers to negotiate over a wage increase.

In the face of a threatened bread shortage, George Brown, Minister of Economic Affairs, who is attending the Labour Party Conference this week in Blackpool, proposed to hold meetings on October 8 to discuss the dispute with representatives from the union and the employers.

The series of one-day strikes, which had been planned by the bread roundsmen, were called ofi.

The bread roundsmen are demanding a fl 5s. a week rise and a 40-hour week. A union official is reported to have said 'the men are in an angry mood.

'Loyal' publicised

Much publicity was, of course, given to the 60 so-called loyal' bread delivery men working near London, who refused to follow the union's call to stage guerilla strikes.

These workers resigned from the union at the beginning of the week and their action can do nothing but help to strengthen the position of the bakery employers.

had to be adjusted due to the increase in price. Subscription per issue is now Re. 1.00 (Is. 6d.) for both local and foreign subscribers. This includes postal charges-sea mail in case of foreign subs. Subscription from yourself and your friends will also be much appreciated.

All communications and remittances should be addressed to Sydney Wanasinghe, 5la Peterson Lane, Colombo 6, Ceylon.

At the back of the dispute looms George Brown's incomes policy. A representative of one of the large bakery combines in the Federation of Wholesale and Multiple Bakers is reported to have said of the incomes policy: 'Our understanding was that there should be no cost increases in that time' (three months).

No talks The firms had therefore originally declared they were not prepared to talk with the union about increased wages between now and December.

Thus, once again, the right wing Labour policies of the government manifest themselves in the vicious attacks made on the working class.

Even though Brown has agreed to hold talks over the dispute, does not necessarily mean that the bread roundsmen will get their full demands.

The logical conclusion of the incomes policy is an attack on wages and that is precisely what is posed in this dispute.

DANCE

organised by the Ceylon Section LSSP (R)

raise funds for their pap the 'Young Socialist' DANCE TO 'THE BOND' Sarah Siddons School larrow Road, London, W.: SATURDAY, OCTOBER 9 1965. 8 p.m.

WILSON's defence of the government's record on Tuesday received the same rapturous praises from the press for its 'strength' and 'super confidence', as Gaitskell's defiance of the vote against the H-bomb in 1960.

At that time, Wilson was feigning left-wing sympathies and even advocating nationalization of the arms industry.

This week, Wilson showed utter contempt for the rank and file of the movement, with double-edged formulae on every issue. They would govern 'whether the Liberals support us not, but, as one paper said 'collusion is not ruled out'.

In fact Wilson said that he hoped to get support, not only from Liberals, but also from some Tories.

He knows he is on safe ground 'daring' the opposition parties to challenge his majority. The Tories want his government to carry out their necessary attacks on the working class.

What Wilson was defending was, in fact, a coalition government. He was not challenged.

Righteous reproach Indeed, the first speaker, with his exaggerated upper class accent and London club outfit, was Woodrow Wyatt, 'the only Labour MP with a butler, and leading • opponent of steel nationalization. When Wyatt was greeted with timid booing and hissing, Gunter rose up in an excess of Welsh Methodist righteousness and said:

"This is disgraceful. Woodrow Wyatt, as an MP, is entitled to the same rights in this hall as anyone else.' He was only warming up for the political liquidation that same afternoon of every single 'right' of Labour Party Young Socialists for political existence.

Wyatt was confident and contemptuous of the 'lefts', and i Aden signed by the Queen, withdrawing power from the Aden government of Mr. Mackawee:

Then, as if to add an unconscionable insult to a dastardly injury-he issued a statement accusing the Aden government of 'open encouragement of terrorism'.

How dare Mr. Wilson speak of terrorism! His government has condoned, nay, advocated, the massive use of the worst possible terror against the Vietnamese people for a whole year.

Mr. Wilson ›has accused the freedom-fighters of South Arabia of frustrating Britain's efforts to bring about the early independence of the South Arabian Federation.

This charge is too ludicrous even to bear examination.

In his statement to the Labour Party Conference (after the events) he alleged that the Colonial Secretary, Greenwood, had worked hard for the independence of Southern Arabia in 1968 (sic) and that the decision to over-rule the government was forced on Mr. Wilson after the breakdown of the London Conwith justification. He sneered at them: 'We haven't heard much about steel lately, have we?' Inadequacy exposed He effectively exposed the utter inadequacy of the left' at the conference by adrocating many of the same policies as them-cut the arms bill, scrap the Empire, trade with Aden instead of sending aircraft carriers.

In other words, make capitalism more rational and business-like.

On this he concluded: 'Make a pact with Grimond and stay in power another ten years.' Woodrow Wyatt was, in fact, a most able supporter of the government, and is the surest indication of the political complexion of this conference.

Spanish

trade unionists facing trial FOUR workers have been arrested in Barcelona following the Workers' Trade Union Alliance militant May Day demonstrations.

The four, who are alleged to have organised the demonstrations, which involved hundreds of students and workers, are José Pujol (34), a metal worker Ignacio Carvajal (35), who is married with three children, José Elhombre (27), a municipal worker, and Antonio Martinez (26), a chemical worker.

It is believed others will also appear along with these four on October 6 and 7 at the Iribunal of Public Order in Madrid.

n page 1 stitutional Conference in South Arabia and the consequent lawlessness prevailing in Aden.

What the premier forgot to tell the delegates, however, was that civil liberties and political rights are non-existent in Aden; that only one-thirtieth of the people are franchised; and that the London conference broke down predictably because Mr. Greenwood refused categorically concede the major demands oi the Adeni bourgeois-nationalists, primarily the demand for the release of all political prisoners and the early withdrawal of the British base.

The South Arabian people will not be intimidated by British teren deceived yan titude oe terror no Greenwood and Wilson.

Wilson must go-and the troops must be brought back. That is the only road to peace and independence in South Arabia.

Registered at the G.P.O. as a newspaper Published by The Newsletter, 186л Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4 Printed by Plough Press Ltd. (TU). I.O. 180 Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4