The Newsletter, vol. 9 no. 432

THE trade gap has widened by £39 million. After 18 months of a Labour government in which the right wing has called for sacrifices and tightening, the economic situation for British capitalism is just about the as it was when they started.

In order to arrive at this hopeless position, the Labour government broke every election promise it made to those who voted for it in October, 1964. It has carried out the policy of the international bankers with the result that the only people who have benefited have been the banking and big business fraternity.

The continuation of high interest payments has resulted in rapidly increasing rents, whilst rates are now going up in all the major boroughs throughout the country. Saturday, February 19, 1966 by THE EDITOR * The results are plain enough for all to see.

The Labour Government tackles the capitalist crisis in a capitalist way, very little different trom what the Tories would have done. The only people who therefore stood to benefit were the monopoly capitalists themselves.

Now we are on the threshold of a new General Election and the right-wing Labour leaders propose to continue with exactly the same kind of policy as they have done for the past 18 months.

• They plan to push ahead with the reactionary immigras tion laws.

• They propose to continue to give American imperialism all out aid in Vietnam.

• The cost of defence will be stretched so that it pays more and more into the pockets of the American merchants of death.

• On top of this Brown is pushing ahead his legislation against the trade unions.

State control

Collective bargaining is to be replaced by state control over wages.

This state will continue to be, as it has always been, the most outspoken representative of capital.

Trade unions will in fact cease to be unions, in the sense that they can represent their members in struggle for wages.

Eighteen months of a Labour government has proved the right wing thoroughly bankrupt in the field of policy.

The time can no longer be delayed when the rank and file will take things into their own hands and press forward Abour beltsame with the building of an alternative socialist leadership.

Such a leadership will not operate capitalism for the capitalists.

• It will nationalize all the means of production without compensation.

It will establish workers' control in, all the main industrial enterprises.

• Production will then be planned for use and not for profit.

• British troops will be withdrawn from overseas and colonial and semi-colonial countries be granted independence.

• An end will be made to the alliance with Wall Street. With the adoption of a real socialist approach to foreign affairs.

This is the only policy which can save the labour movement from disaster. Release IN SHARP CONTRAST to the hypocritical concern of John Gollan to the fate of the Russian writers is the sickening silence of the entire Communist Party leadership over the massacre of 500,000 Indonesian workers and peasants and their seeming indifference to the fate of Njono, leader of the Indonesian trade unions, who is on trial and will probably be executed.

Njono's trial is a mockery of bourgeois justice. Courageously defying his torturers, Niono has retracted his confession made while under arrest and accused his accusers of being the real organisers of a coup.

If Niono dies, the responsibility for his death will lie on the entire Stalinist movement— both Peking and Moscow dominated—and not least on the British Communist Party.

Speak up Gollan-or does your silence imply consent? GREENE PLAYS HIS BRINKMANSHIP' ROLE We

the rent increases A council property are going LL over Britain rents for up. The money lenders and the bankers who have profited most from the high interest policy of the Labour government are having a field day. While millions of hard pressed working people tind it more and more diflicult to scrape by each week, the big financiers are living it up.

Rents means, in food inis the the wage wonder then, that there is house tenants the way they back against rent can fight the moe che same practil type off nunis Party invariably proThey contact tenants, organise demonstration outcouncil chamber on when the rents go then leave the whole hanging fire until it becomes dehe tak lat to the struggle in the and the of mass in labour. They that if rent are to be halted cannot be done without the people affected refusing to pay the rents. Such a however, cannot successfully carried out mass mc movement Communist Pa In each borough, ou struggle in other boroughs.

The Communist Party leaders are happy if they can increase the sales of the 'Daily Worker' by a few copies a week, and perhaps win one or two new members to the Party for a brief period. This approach is totall nadeauate SO as the struggle against rent increases is concerned. › fight these increases means to break decisively with the right wing Labour leaders and their fake-left hangers-on on the councils.

means developing a police as co-ordinating areas affected by the increases in rents. It then means planning a campaign based on the factories, and mobilising a mass movement nationally.

Such a movement could force many Labour councils to change their mind, and sooner or later it will have to built.

Meanwhile, it is necessary to be on guard against sham forms of struggle, such as those supported the Communist Party, which lead nowhere

THE avertime ban by London busmen against cuts in services is now a month old. During this time, the unionmanagement discussions have also covered the five-day week and the pending wage claim.

It was reported to the busmen's delegates that the London Transport Board was prepared to offer a fl 2s per week rise, but that George Brown had stepped in and stopped it, as it conflicts with his incomes policy.

Barbara Castle, the so-called 'left-wing' Minister of Transport, has also been involved in negotiations, but there can be no doubt where she stands as the LTB has been allowed to withdraw a number of routes and has allowed private companies to operate over the withdrawn routes.

The LTB has taken advantage of the ban to bring in 'emergency' measures, some of which the men claim withhold from crews payments they are legally Newsletter Correspondent entitled to receive. ready initiated legal action agamast The busmen's leaders have the LTB over this.

At the last delegate conference, it was said that the LTB was attempting to provoke a strike in order to defeat the men. Accordingly, a resolution was passed calling on all garages to refrain from any such action, whatever the LTB did.

This decision was taken before the railwaymen's strike— which would also have affected the LTB tube trains-was called off, and when the opportunity for united action by the railwaymen, tubemen and busmen was a real possibility.

ONLY SOLUTION Now the railwaymen have suffered a defeat, and the task of building a transport workers' alliance is much harder. This, however, is the only solution for transport workers.

The present leadership of the busmen say that if the overtime ban is kept on for long enough, the LTB will be forced to concede to the men's claims.

But knowing that no other action will be taken by the men, the Board will be able to take whatever action it likes-already it is preparing to introduce bigger buses on a larger scale, and one-man buses in the near future.

DEMORALISED

Busmen are becoming more and more demoralised as they see nothing done about this and no sign of weakening by the ITB. Many crews are leaving each week, and it is clear the Board can hold out longer than the men.

Meetings between busmen, tubemen and railwaymen should be called to work out a joint policy for all transport workers. Only in this way can the fight against the government's policy of wage-freezing and rationalization be won.

Page UNIVERSI uary 19,1966

Tot the Non leapirali on 11m-nour: capituanol the early hours of February 12 came at the end of a period of behind-the-scenes manoeuvres out of which Harold Wilson hopes to develop a 'blueprint' for the defeat of future wage struggles.

Coupled with the 'victory of anti-working class policies at the Hull by-election, the defeat of the railwaymen will not only encourage Wilson to carry out the proposed anti-trade union legislation, but force him to. For, without the submission of wage claims to the Prices and Incomes Board, one of the main features of the 'blueprint' will be missing.

Monday's 'Guardian' forecasted that after its treatment of the railwaymen's claim, the Prices and Incomes Board and incomes policy will be rejected at policy conferences of not only the railway workers, but the miners A MANCHESTER RAILWAYMAN and possibly the Union of Shop Distributive and Allied Workers.

TRUMP CARD

The trump card of compulsory reference of wage claims to the £500 Boar fine, will then be played. under the threat of a However, NUR members and other workers must not commit the error of assuming that Wilson or the incomes policy are impregnable.

For, as in the NUR deteat, these are dependent on the active cooperation of right-wing trade union leaders-and the complete inability of the so-called militants and 'left' to provide an alternative around which a fight against the anti-working class policies of Wilson and Brown can be organised.

The tactics of both right wing and 'militants' in face of Wilson's strategy led to the NUR defeat, and immediately poses the needs for both an alternative leadership and strategy.

SEEDS SOWN

The seeds of the NUR defeat were sown in July last year, when the AGM delegates were persuaded to accept a .. just policy for prices, incomes and productivity.

Their real feelings were expressed the very next 'day when a resolution calling for 'a substantial wage increase' was carried unanimously. The contradiction between these conflicting policies came out on October 15 when, after talks on the application for improved wages and conditions had broken down, Economics Minister, George Brown, referred the claims to the Prices and Incomes Board.

The timid acceptance of this move by the whole NUR executive set the seal on events that followed.

When the Prices and Incomes Board report on the railway unions' claim was published in January of this year, the NUR 'loyalty' had been rewarded by the complete rejection of its claims and also the Prices and Incomes Board had deliberately departed from its terms of reference to give voice to productivity demands that the British Railways Board thought too daring to even whisper.

In spite of the promise by Brown that the Prices and Incomes Board would deal with the claims under Paragraph 15 of the White Paper on Incomes (dealing with special cases above the 35 per cent norm), railwayworkers became the first real test of the incomes policy.

CHOICE

At this stage the NUR leadership was faced with a choice between • organising a struggle volving the whole working class against the policy, which would eventually bring down Wilson and Co., or accepting the Prices and Incomes Board report complete with its productivity demands.

Those right-wing rail union leaders who had supported Wilson in every reactionary step he had taken since October 1964, had no intention of withdrawing that support.

On the other hand the 'militants'-who had no real alternative to offer NUR members prepared to take on the government -were forced to look around with the right wing for a compromise.

This ensured that rank-and-file pressure would be diverted into winning support for a strike that even NUR secretary Greene admits the leaders had no intention of carrying out.

STAKES

The stakes in the game of 'summit-brinkmanship' that followed were the jobs and conditions of thousands of railwayworkers.

Having once committed themselves to the compromise, the 'militants' became prisoners of it and were unable at any time after to break out and draw on the widespread support pledged from branches and district councils all over the country.

They were forced to the only alternative: that of going to the authors of the incomes policy, Wilson and Brown, cap in hand.

In doing so they followed in the footsteps of J. H. Thomas and others. The only real concession they got was to be shown in the front door of No. 10 Downing Street instead of the tradesmen's entrance.

The final blows were struck by Greene, who, by allowing the (Continued on back page)

ANK and file members of • the National Amalgamated Stevedores and Dockers 'Blue' Union are maintaining their right to recruit members in the northern ports.

One of the tew papers to carry this news, 'The Financial Times', reported it with large headlines above another smaller news item on Tuesday.

The news item quoted Mr. Ernest Thornton,_ parliamentary secretary to Ray Gunter's Ministry of Labour, who said in a writtoo reply in the Commons on Monday that the docks modernisation committee had reached agreement on a scheme for full decasualisation on the docks.

By linking the two items, "The Financial Times' is merely pointing out that there is still a danger to the plans of the government and employers to streamline docks at the expense of dockers' wages, conditions-and even jobs-from the militant dockers in the northern ports.

Old bogey

That is why the paper's report also raises the old bogey of 'poaching' members from the Transport and General Workers' Union by the 'Blue' union.

The report says that the recent co-operation between the traditionally hostile dock unions, the 'Blue' union and the Transport and General Workers' Union, is in danger of breaking down as a result of a 'major revolt' by 'Blue' union members.

This so-called 'major revolt''Blue' union delegates agreed at a meeting in Manchester last weekend to take out an injunction against their own union executive challenging the ban on recruiting--is not a sudden decision. Opposition to the ban has been expressed for months and the injunction is a mere formality.

But it just happens that it is a convenient time to give prominence to the militant men from Liverpool, Hull and Manchester.

It is now important to the plans of the ruling class that the 'Blue' union remains a member of the modernisation committee to give a formal yes to the decasualisation plans, and possibly all the other recommendations of the Devlin Commission on the docks. At the same time one of the conditions for its seat on the committee is that its members do not recruit to the union, but leave the field open to the Transport and General Workers' Union.

(In fact, the 'Blue' Union was set up after a courageous struggle, because many dockers that the T&GWU was not serving their needs.)

Expect attacks So, along with millions of workers in the major industries, the dockers can expect attacks from all quarters until the decasualisation scheme is well on its way to being implemented.

As Mr. Thornton told the Commons: 'Mr. Gunter hopes to publish the draft of the new scheme shortly.

Such a scheme will be aimed at dockers north and south, at T&GWU and 'Blue' union members alike. Officials of both unions have been present on the Modernisation Committee when the scheme has been discussed.

Dockers, north and south, must unite in a campaign against these officials, against the plans of the committee, and the anti-union legislation, which is so closely tied with the government's and bosses' plans for the docks.

A MID the dreary narrowmindedness of much of what passes for theory in the Communist Party journal, 'Marxism Today', an article by Eric Hobsbawm this month stands out in sharp relief.

Entitled 'The Dialogue on Marxism', it is a reprint of a statement which opened a discussion conference last October.

Hobsbawm strongly argues the necessity for the Communist Party to engage in a dialogue, both with non-Marxists and with Marxists outside the Party. He points out that the existence of the latter category, once denied by Party spokesmen, is now quite obvious.

-IS.

GOLLAN

READY TO Unlike the majority of Communist Party writers, Hobsbawm speaks out very plainly on the effects of the Stalinist straight jacket on intellectual work.

'For a generation-say from 1930 to 1956-the dialogue of Marxism atrophied.

'Increasingly we eliminated all elements other than those of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, or what had been accepted as orthodox in the USSR: any theories of art other than 'socialist realism', any psychology other than Pavlov's, even at times any biology other than Lysenko's.

Hegel was pushed out of Marxism, as in the "Short History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union"

even Einstein roused suspicious, not to mention "bourgeois" science as a whole ...

'How could we diseuss the history of the USSR if we left Trotsky out of it, or thought of him as a foreign agent? ...

"Today it is impossible to make the simple statement on which we were brought up: There is only one "correct" Marxism and it is to be found in Communist Parties.' History Hobsbawm calls for a 'reinking and rediscovering' of arxism in the Party. He sees signs that this has begun, but meets resistance on the part of 'older cadres whose career was identified with Stalinism' He refers in particular to the failure of Communist Parties to write their own histories. (Surely the footnote referring to Palme Dutt's 'Three Internationals' is meant ironically?)

Hobsbawm urged that all kinds of questions, once taken for granted, should be reopened, and new problems posed by changes in world conditions faced.

From our point of view, there are important weaknesses and limitations in what Hobsbawm has to say. For example, he nowhere gives any indication of why the intellectual life of the Party stagnated as it did.

But the dialogue he calls for should be wholeheartedly welcomed. Although we might give very different answers to some of the questions posed, we should agree that the movement as a whole can only gain by their open discussion.

Walled off

The Communist Party, even in Britain, assembled a powerful band of intellectuals in the 1930s and 1940s. But Stalinism kept them walled off from a real theoretical confrontation with the class struggle.

THE STATEMENT by Mr.

the British Communist Party, criticising the manner in which the trial of the two Soviet writers, Sinyavsky and Daniel, has been conducted can be interpreted in two ways.

It can be part of the general turn of the Communist Party in Britain towards the right wing of the Labour Party, with Gollan deeply anxious to make as many concessions as possible.

The two writers concerned were undoubtedly right-wing critics of the Soviet regime.

On the other hand, if Mr. Gollan's belated conversion as a critic of Soviet justice is the reason why he has attacked the trial, then he has much work to Certainly no Marxist will deny these right-wing opponents a fair trial, but here we have to draw Gollan's attention to the enormous number of people on the left who have suffered even more through the brutal application of Soviet justice.

Take the infamous Moscow trials of the 1930s.

Is it not time for Gollan to come out and protest at the way in which some of the most prominent leaders of Lenin's Bolshevik Party were framed and murdered by Stalin? Gollan is strangely silent about the Stalin' era.

Yet Soviet justice today is nothing more than a continuation of the malpractices of that period.

If the labour movement is to take Gollan's conversion seriously, then let him add his voice at once against the infamous Moscow trials.

If he remains silent about these matters, then we can only conclude that the reason for his present criticism is that those concerned were of right-wing persuasion.

"HE Communist Party's move to the right was made clear once more when general secretary John Gollan spoke in Willesden, London, last week.

At a meeting called to protest at the resumption of bombing in Vietnam, Gollan READ BY LEON Obtainable Bбa Clapham High Street, London, By a Newsle could only appeal for more 'pressure' on Wilson-the previous day Wilson had categorically supported US imperialism in a House of Commons statement! 'Sensible Americans' did not support the war, Gollan said, meaning presumably that Stalinism and Bolshevism TROTSKY Price 6d. Johnson's actions are not those of a representative of imperialism, but those of a 'foolish American'. illan called for negotiations to end the war, citing de Gaulle's negotiations with the Algerian nationalists as an example of a settlement.

FRESH BETRAYAL

he betrayal and defeat of the Evian agreement gives Gollan hope that a fresh betrayal, a so-called neutral South Vietnam, may be perpetrated.

Then questioned on the Communist Party leaders' opposition to the Lambeth Trades Council lobby of parliament on January 26 against anti-trade union law, Gollan remained silent. lat 1,500-strong demonstration of trade unionists and youth-including many Communist Party and Young Communist League members —was a united working-class action, independent of all fake-lefts, in direct confrontation with Wilson's capitalist policies.

Il Gollan could muster was a cry that the Socialist Labour League was questioning the role of Fidel Castro. Gollan himself prefers to remain silent on the disappearance of Ché Guevara, once a close associate of Castro Cuban revolution.

BLUNT STRUGGLE

id, as Wilson more openly defends monopoly capitalism and imperialism, and workers begin to retaliate, Gollan and the Communist Party attempt to blunt and break the struggle of the working class for a revolutionary solution to the crisis. Gollan made no mention of the demand for socialist nationalization or a fight against trade union bureaucracy in his speech.

His sole example of a response to the Communist Party's appeal for unity with the 'left' was an invitation from CND to the CP to join the planning committee of the now almost defunct Easter march!

any rank-and-file members of the Communist Party have lived with the contradiction between their own beliefs in communism and the knowledge of the opportunism and corruption of their leadership for too long. ow, more than ever before, they should unite with the Socialist Labour League and Young Socialists to build a movement to smash the right-wing Labour leaders and their 'united-left' hangers-on. and factories will be discussing the next steps in the campaign.

The new Socialist Labour League pamphlet, 'No Laws Against Trade Unions, by G. Healy, is an important contribution to their discussions.

In a direct and straightforward way, the pamphlet states the dangers in store for trade unionists if the Labour governments proposals go through. It quotes from the Labour Party document of 1963, which already advocated legal restrictions on wages.

The most important point made in the pamphlet is that, while it is a Labour government that brings in the Bill, it could be a Tory government which uses it. The present situation prepares the way for a split in the movement, perhaps on the lines of 1931.

The pamphlet discusses the kind of campaign needed to defeat legislation and the political leadership necessary for this. It takes up the questions loyalty to the Labour government, the role of the Labour 'lefts' and the attitude of the Communist Party.

Finally it calls for readers to support the building of the Socialist Labour League and to consider joining it.

The pamphlet should be sold widely throughout the unions and read by all workers who want to fight back against the employers' attacks.

No Laws Against Trade Unions by G. Healy Price 3d This should be read with: A Soclalist Policy for the Crisis Price 3d They can be ordered together for 8d (i ncluding postage) from: The Socialist Labour League, 181 ia Clapham High • Street, London,

BY THE INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL ebruary DEL CASTRO, speaking before the assembled delegates of the Havana 'Tricontinental Conference' at its closing session on January 15, made a vicious attack on the Fourth InAT Three

A West of England Com- RECENT meeting of munist Party members to discuss the change in the name of the 'Daily Worker' revealed the sterility of the Party's political outlook.

Bill Alexander, a leading member of the Party, stressed the need for democratic discussion on the topic and welcomed the controversy it might cause.

'When has the Communist Party ever turned its face from controversy and been afraid of sharp views?' he asked, ignoring the fact that four sup- suggestion porters of the Chinese Communist Party had been ejected from the mowing.

Broaden appeal

Alexander said the main reason for re-naming the 'Daily Worker' was to broaden its appeal so that the working class could gain allies from the middle class! He apologised that Party members had first heard of the proposed change through a leak in "The Guardian', and not through the Party.

The standard of the discussion was extremely low.

Members spoke vaguely the necessity for 'simplification' and the need to plug the theme 'unite the left.

One said that the paper should be a joy to read' and advocated a page of cartoons!

Another demanded a campaign against obscenity on television and yet another wanted more space to be set aside to show the 'socialism of Eastern Europe' When asked why the Communist Party did not support the January 26 lobby of parliament, called by the Lambeth Trades Council, Alexander called it a 'splitting and destructive move'

The crisis in world Stalinism made some breaks in this wall for a few of them. Many more were utterly destroyed as Marxists.

Today, there are powerful trends in the Communist Party towards the liquidation of the Party, as the debate on the new name. for the Daily Worker' has revealed.

Clear the ground But there are also important sections of the rank-and-file members in industry who are, by the struggles now beginning, being forced to question the policies of the leaders.

Whether Hobsbawm sees it this way or not, this is the background to the theoretical dialogue he talks of.

We, for our part, will participate in such work in order to clear the intellectual ground for the emergence of a new mass communist party in Britain.

and heckling by socialist and foreign to the racialists which ensured the victory of fascism in prewar Germany.

Call for re-thinking on CP history NEWS students at Sheffield University greeted the introduction of a motion 'that this house upholds its white supremacy' for debate last Friday (February 11).

Young Socialist students made the point that this was a racialist motion, not fit for discussion in university or anywhere else.

A joint statement issued before the meeting by representatives of a number of political and national societies called for united opposition to the debate, saying that 'those who have agreed to officially oppose the motion are, in fact, helping to give racialism a platform'.

The Debates Committee was condemned for their decision to hold such a debate.

It is not the first time that members of this committee have attempted to hold racialist debates in the university, and it is not the first time that such motions have been overwhelmingly thrown out.

'ONE RACE'

As one speaker from the floor said: 'There is one race -the human race. We do not debate with racialists. Racialism is the tool of fascism!' It was also pointed out in relation to the platform opposition to the motion, that it was exactly the refusal of the social-democratic and Stalinist bureaucracies to mobilise effective working-class opposition New SLL pamphlet union law FOLLOWING the January 26 lobby of parliament, many union branches, burlding sites SHEFFIELD debate The debate showed that peaceful discussion is no way to decisively defeat racialism.

All the tactics of a witchhunt were used by platform speakers against those who were really fighting for such a defeat.

Only the perspective of uniting workers and students from every country in a common active struggle can possibly end the racialists' plan to divide one section against another.

expresses thoughts of U.S.

ruling class By a Newsletter correspondent URING the last Presidential Election campaign, the statements of Barry Goldwater were treated as the ravings of a reactionary crank. -This applied particularly to the question of the Vietnam war.

Since Johnson's election victory, however, the actions of the US government have made Goldwater's ideas seem fairly mild by comparison.

His television speech last week, calling for the bombing of Chinese atomic plants should not be lightly dismissed.

Encouraged by the policies of Johnson, Goldwater only says openly what many sections of the ruling class must be considering in private.

'PROVOCATION'

Goldwater said he would like to see the Chinese offer 'one provocation' so that the US could bomb their nuclear plants and 'knock their atomic capabilities right out of the ground'.

After attacking Johnson's 'peace offensive, Goldwater added that the USA should make greater use of its air power in Vietnam instead of sending more ground forces. Ground fighting should be left to the South Vietnamese troops and other allies of the US.

These proposals may appear very different from the recent statements of Johnson and Humphreys, not to mention their errand boy Wilson. But they merely develop further the logic of the Vietnam war.

One of the main objects of the US strategy in south-east Asia has been to open up the Sino-Soviet split and isolate China. In this they have been aided by the policies of the Soviet leaders, whose main aim is to prove their trust worthiness to the imperialists.

ALBANIANS APPROACHED The latest move in this direction is the invitation sent to the Albanians to go to a conference considering the Vietnam war, called by the Poles.

The Albanians turned down the invitation, but there may be an internal struggle in progress in Tirana, capital of Albania, over continued adherence to Peking.

Despite all current talk about 'peace' and 'negotiations', the danger of the imperialists attacking China and then the USSR must never be forgotten.

ternational. This attack, made in the worst tradition of Stalinist vilification, was delivered without any possibility of discussion or debate.

Its purpose was quite different: the attack represented a carefully directed blow at the left, carried out on behalf of the Stalinist bureaucracy in the Kremlin and its counter-revolutionary collaboration with the US imperialists.

A condition of the success of the Stalinists' policy is the defeat of any attempt at the construction of an international revolutionary leadership of the working class. Fidel Castro carried out this service for the Kremlin bureaucracy, who have become his political masters at this stage.

The conditions for the defence and development of the Cuban revolution, on the other hand, are the intensification of the revolutionary struggle against imperialism everywhere, especially in the remainder of Latin America, the building of working class parțies to lead this struggle, and the replacement of the Cuban bureaucratic state machine by workers' councils.

Revisionists in the camp: of Marxism who fostered illusions that these steps would be taken by Castro himself, and the Cuban Communist Party which he leads, are now dumbfounded by Castro's denunciation of Trotskyism. They appeal to him to rectify his errors.

We do no such thing. The International Committee of the Fourth International warns the international working-class movement that these attacks represent the most serious warning that Castro has taken the road of liquidation of the Cuban Revolution.

His dependence on the Soviet bureaucracy is the mechanism for his capitulation to the American imperialists. This is the meaning also of his bitter public attacks, before and after the Havana Conference, against the government of China.

Castro particularly accuses the Fourth International of subverting the revolutionary guerrilla movement in Guatemala, and working on behalf of US imperialism. Castro said:

'Yankee imperialism used one of its most subtle tactics in order to liquidate a revolutionary movement, a tactic which consisted of infiltrating into the movement agents of the Fourth International, who-because of the ignorance, the political ignorance, of the main leader of the movement (Yon Sosa)

-got the movement to adopt nothing less than that discredited thing, that antihistorical thing, that fraudulent thing emanating from elements notoriously in the service of Yankee imperialism, the programme of the Fourth International' d further: * "Through the intermediary of an individual, a business man, placed in charge of the political side of the movement, the Fourth International arranged it so that the leader (Yon Sosa), ignorant as he was of politics and of the history of revolutionary thought, permitted this agent of Trotskyism—which for all of us is without the slightest doubt an agent of imperialism—to edit a journal which Che Guevara: SWP unable to defend him copied word for word the programme of the Fourth International. The Fourth International has committed a veritable crime against the revolutionary movement by isolating it from the people and from the masses, by contaminating it with stupidities, in bringing upon it the discredit connected with the repugnant and nauseating thing which Trotskyism represents in the political world today. (Applause.) Because if, at a certain period, Trotskyism represented a position, certainly a wrong position, but all the same a position coming into the domain of political ideas, Trotskyism later became a vulgar instrument of imperialism and reaction?

As always, the attack on Trotskyism is to cover up capitulation, just as Stalin used it.

The hand-picked delegations to Havana were encouraged to return to their countries and return to a Stalinist witch-hunt of truly revolutionary elements in the liberation movements, and particularly Trotskyists, in the best Stalinist style.

Inside Cuba, any working-class opposition will receive the same treatment, facilitated by the disarming of the militias last year and the concentration despite our independent line against the petty-bourgeois clique which prevents the accession of the workers themselves to power in Cuba.

This same defence requires an implacable struggle against the Stalinist bureaucracy, which can be carried out only by Trotskyists. Thus the alliance of slanderers and liars which has been made.

Castro prepares a right-turn of enormous danger.

The repatriation of relatives of exiles to the United States, the disarming of the Militia [a decision which • Castro has never explained publicly] and the virtual silence of the Cuban press and radio on the brutal imperialist intervention in Santo Domingo as well as the 'disappearance' of Ché Guevara—-all these things show clearly, indubitably, the direction in which the Cuban national revolutionary movement is being steered.

As if to emphasise this trend and tacitly warn imperialism, Castro has utilised the cut in Chinese trade and assistance to sharply separate himself from China and identify himself with his Soviet masters.

Nationally and internationally Castro is pursuing his right-wing policy a policy aimed against the interests of the Cuban and international working class.

For this reason it is necessary to re-state our attitude on the activities of all those of Fidel Castro who, in the name of Marxism, consciously and deliberately evaded or covered up the bureaucratic, anti - socialist policy of Castro and his clique.

Foremost amongst these stands the United Secretariat and its principal defender, the Socialist Workers' Party of America.

For five years these people apologised for all the reactionary features of the Castro regime.

While defending the Cuban revolution from imperialism they exceeded all the traditional norms of Trotskyism in supporting Castro and accepted, without cavil or condition, the anti-Marxist ideas and practices of this Cuban petty-bourgeois dictator.

When supporters the Posadas tendency were arrested by Castro's secret police and jailed for the crime of publishing Trotsky's works, these revisionists did not raise a protest. On the contrary, they kept silent and even alleged that the main task was not to exaggerate the jailings to defend and, amplify the concrete achievements of the Cuban revolution!

When these opponents were released—after signing capitulatory pledges to Castro— Hansen, by no means the most obnoxious of these apologists, attributed the release to 'the struggle ... by the Fidelista leadership against bureaucratism', and that 'a miscarriage of justice in relation to the Posadas group was rectified'. The same method, it might be said, was employed by Khrushchev to 'explain' the excesses of the Stalin regime.

This kind of 'support', far from advancing the interests of the working class and poor peasants, in fact, as recent events prove, leads to the strengthening of bureaucracy and capitalism in Cuba.

If yesterday Hansen was unable to defend the Posadas group from victimisation, then today he is equally incapable of defending Ché Guevara. This is the best measure of the bankruptcy of the revisionistapologists of the United Secretariat.

In the Socialist Workers' Party the same process of degeneration became so malignant that any criticism of Castro became automatically a cause for expulsion or disciplinary action.

In the Cuban missiles crisis of November 1962, Cannon, one-time leader of the SWP, completely endorsed the counter-revolutionary policy of the Kremlin with the statement: *What else could Khrushchev do?' Even the attack launched by Castro has failed to move or excite these philistines in the leadership of the Socialist Workers' Party.

FAMINE of enormous dimensions is now developing in India. It is certain that this famine will bring more hunger, starvation, and death to millions of workers and peasants.

Even the capitalist press admits that roughly 100 million people are involved, more than one-fifth of the population, and that 12 million others will be in need of urgent famine relief to prevent their death.

Famine conditions and cuts in rice allowances have already led to rioting, demonstrations and protests in many parts of India, including Kerala, the Southern state which is perhaps Castro meets his Stalinist tutors and falsifiers The most important conclusion they draw from the Tricontinental Conference is not the attack against Trotskyism, but the fact that all the delegates endorsed the idea of 'armed rebellion'.

Yes, alas, even the Emperor of Ethiopia who, periodically hangs en masse Somali peasants who trespass into Ethiopia, is not opposed to 'armed rebellion'. Nor is Gamal Nasser who imprisons Communists and tortures political opponents in the United Arab Republic.

Nor, for that matter, is General Nasution, butcher of half a million Indonesian workers and peasants. He too, believes in 'armed rebellion' in Malaysia-but not in Indonesia!

In the name of 'armed rebellion' all manner of crimes are being committed against the working class. But the greatest blow struck by the SWP and its mentor in Paris—is the abandonment of the Transitional Programme of the Fourth International and the repudiation of the idea of the Bolshevik party and the revolutionary international.

'Armed rebellion' which is not led by a Marxist working class party must lead inevitably (as Algeria has demonstrated already) to counter-revolutionary coups and severe repression of the trade union and labour movement. In fact the prospect for such struggles is profits of the farmers.

dangerously low. military-police dictatorship and not socialism. Either the dictatorship of the capitalist class or dictatorship of the working class. There is no middle path-nor will there ever be.

Revolutions and counter-revolutions mercilessly unmask every form of charlatanry in the workers' movement. The United Secretariat and the SWP cannot escape this inexorable law.

All those who mistakenly support these opportunist charlatans must take heed from this latest attack by Castro and turn decisively away from revisionism towards the International committee: the only leadership that fights imperialism and Stalinism uncompromisingly.

In conclusion the International Committee rejects out of hand the slanders of Castro, recognising in them the necessary counter-revolutionary defence measures of the Stalinists and petty-bourgeois nationalists everywhere, as the working class now threatens to take advantage of imperialism's international crisis.

It is the leadership of the Fourth International in that struggle which Castro attacks, and which we are determined to continue building.

International Committee of the Fourth International, February 13, 1966.

of the forces of repression.

Castro's attack on China, and his references to 'internal subversion' by the Chinese, have the same purpose.

Thus the London "Times' commented that latin America "can now breathe more freely' Castro has signalled to the imperialists that he accepts the anti-revolutionary strategy of the Stalinist bureaucracy with all its implications for a renewal of relations with US imperialism. Thus he must strike out against the left.

Castro's distortions, quoting as he does from isolated individuals and insignificant groupings whom he chooses to call Trotskyist, are not a result of any misunderstandings, but are part of the classical Stalinist method.

All those who have welcomed Castro as a 'natural Marxist' and even as the successor to Lenin and Trotsky (!), have now shown the counter-revolutionary implications of their revisionism.

Castro has in fact carried out a special task, using his special place in the sympathies of revolutionaries in many countries, to carry out an attack on Trotskyism which the Stalinist bureaucracy itself would not have been able to do effectively.

Those who have distorted Marxism to create illusions in Castro have prepared the way for this division of labour between the Kremlin and Castro.

Silence on his real position today, pleas that he should come to his senses, constitute a betrayal of the present and future interests of the revolution in Cuba and Latin America.

Castro strikes out above all against the independent working-class character of the Fourth International. It is this above all which we defend and prize.

It is on the basis of this independence that the Trotskyists have been first in line in the defence of the Cuban revolution against imperialism, suffering the worst privation.

This Indian crisis also reveals the enormous contradictions of US imperialism. President Johnson refuses to negotiate any long-term agreements for the supply of wheat to India.

Last June the Indian government appealed for 1l million tons of wheat to reduce the effects of the famine. Only one-third of this has so far been sent and Johnson refuses to promise any more.

The crisis of American capitalism, revealed in the weakness of the dollar, has produced a severe cut back in the foreign 'aid' programme. MILLIONS POURED INTO VIETNAM Faced with the war in Vietnam and the abject failure of his phoney 'peace mission', Johnson has had to put millions more dollars into the war in south-east Asia.

In his recent Budget message Johnson was forced to admit some halt in his 'Great Society' programme so that the war could be carried out on a larger scale.

Unless the war is brought to a speedy end— which would involve the indiscriminate bombing of North Vietnam-further tax increases and restrictions will have to be placed on the American working class and more cuts made in non-military spending abroad.

At the time when famine hits India, the US government has been carrying out policies at home to reduce the volume of wheat and other grain production.

Farmers have for many years been paid to plough up the land, crops have been purchased by the government, stored, and allowed to rot. Other disincentive schemes have been worked out to encourage a fall in output of many foodstufis. into the hands of the American ruling class.

Indeed, Khrushchev's famous 'virgin lands' scheme has failed miserably. Following repeatedly small crops, these lands have been 'de-centralised' and handed back to Kazakstan and the thousands of farmers driven to this wild but arable area have been left to either continue farming or return to their original areas.

Since 1965, the Soviet Union and China have between them placed contracts to buy 20 million tons of wheat from -Canada, Australia, Western Europe and Argentina.

Because of the bureaucratic mismanagement of industry and science in the Soviet Union (especially in chemicals), she is unable to supply her own food requirements and has to rely on the West, which at this stage only speeds up the needs of the Soviet leaders to come into closer Meanwhile millions are faced with starvation in India. • This must produce gigantic political and social explosions throughout the whole of Asia, which, combined with the continuing ruthless war in Vietnam, present American imperialism with enormous economic and political problems.

The stage is set for a rapid spread of the conflicts throughout Asia.

But there can be no solution to these problems until the working class takes power in Only then will all the conquests of man in the field of science and technology be released to tackle and solve the tremendous weight of poverty and misery which now grips millions of people throughout the imperialist system.

BY PETER All this has been done to keep up feed the population of the world.

'VIRGIN LANDS' A FAILURE and closer agreement with Johnson. Europe and North America. :

LAMBETH Trades Council, the body which took the initiative nationally in the fight against the Labour government's proposed legislation against the rade unions and called the impressive January 26 lobby of parliament, issued a statement on Monday. This is a reply to the February 3 statement of the Lambeth Borough Communist Party.

says the suspension of the Lambeth Page NEWSLETTER REPORTER гу 19, 1966

Trades Council for calling the lobby and national affiliations' to the Labour Party ambeth labour movement'. Other points statement which we print below :

recommending that 'unions withdraw their 'is a matter of great concern to the entire are taken up in the Lambeth Trades Council -ORDER THE NEWSLETTER • The Socialist Labour League is the only organisation within the labour movement which fully supported the national lobby of parliament, organised by the Lambeth Trades Council.

Our paper, The Newsletter, had, since last October, campaigned each week for the success of the lobby. • The Newsletter was the only paper to protest over the suspension of the Lambeth Trades Council by the TUC. • Both the Socialist Labour League and The Newsletter pledge themselves to continue with the struggle until the right-wing Labour and trade union leaders are forced to abandon their We ask all our readers, old and new, to pledge themselves to support us in this fight. If you want to receive The Newsletter regularly, why not become a regular subscriber: 9s for 12 issues (including postage). If you want to know more about the Socialist Labour League, fill in the form below.

I want to become a subscriber to The Newsletter/know more Send to: 186a Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4 6 Lambeth Borough Communist Party in its statement issued to the Press on February 3, criticises the TUC for not organising a national campaign against the legislation now impending and threatening the unions. But it offers no proposals itself for fighting against this legislation. Neither does it call for the restoration of the TUC's recognition of the Lambeth Trades Council, or tor support for the Trades Council's campaign against this vicious legislation.

Instead, it mis-states the objects of the Trades Council's campaign and accepts the withdrawal of TUC recognition as meaning the closing down of the Trades Council (which is very much in existence). Suggesting that the Trades Council is undemocratic and operates bans and proscriptions, it calls for the setting up of a new Trades Council.

This is well in line with the official policy of the Communist Party. The Lambeth campaign for the January 26 lobby received laily increasing support from trade unionists throughout the British Isles-including many rank-and-file members of the Communist Party.

Over 1,500 took part in the march, and over 1,000 attended the meeting at Central Hall atter the lobby. But the Communist Party leaders took every opportunity to oppose the lobby and at many factories. and building sites managed to overthrow decisions already taken to send large delegations.

While criticising in words the TUC's failure to act, the Communist Party stifles action, and in the name of the unity of working class calls for unity with the Wilson-Brown Labour Party leadership.

Lambeth Trades Council never at any time "recommended that unions withdraw their national affiliations to the Labour Party" It did call for the cessation of all centrally paid affiliation fees to the Labour Party unless an undertaking is given by the Labour Party NEC to oppose such anti-working class legislation.

The campaign around this demand is part of the campaign against anti-trade union legislaRe-instatement strike weakened THE 132 members of the Amalgamated Engineering Union and Boilermakers' Society on strike for 13 days from Millspaugh Engineers Limited, Sheffield, went back to work on Tuesday without their dismissed shop steward. about the Socialist Labour League. tion. It was undertaken in no spirit of defeatism, but in the belief that the organised working class, with a correct leadership, can successfully fight against these proposals.

Lambeth Trades Council does not operate bans and proscriptions. It is now four years since the long struggle to lift the ban on delegates who are members of the Communist Party came to a successful conclusion. That this struggle was led by Trotskyists explains the attitude of the Communist Party to the Lambeth Trades Council.

Lambeth Trades Council has long urged all affiliated branches, and those not yet affiliated, to Play a full and active part on If the Lambeth Borough Communist Party is serious about "helping forward trade union activity major issues facing people and their families" it will demand that its trade union members do the same, instead of accepting without protest advice from union headquarters to withdraw branch affiliations. In this way it would genuinely help the struggle against anti-working class legislation instead of sabotaging it. 9 Mikardo refuses to meet union-law lobbyists Poplar, London, and for London, and so-called left', refused to see a deputation of Young Socialists and trade unionists who attended his 'surgery' at Vernon Road, Bow, last Friday (February 11).

The deputation, elected at a report-back meeting from Lambeth Trades Council lobby (see last week's Newsletter), by CP union officials The steward, Frank Levick, rect previously ed ten or post, factory, was sacked by the management, it is alleged, for making a telephone call.

Over the last year, union organisation has taken a militant stand and made gains for the workers in this Swiss-owned factory.

The fight for the reinstatement of Frank Levick was considerably weakened when the Communist-controlled AEU district committee sent the Millspaugh strikers back to work to negotiate. This strengthened the management's refusal to accept the steward.

CLOSURE THREAT

As a result, when the men took action for a second time, they were told the factory might close.

The national executive of the AEU refused to recognise the strikers after, it was alleged, they had been approached by the employers' federation.

Previously the Millspaugh management had sacked 50 of the clerical staff in an economy drive, and 10 of the 43 Draughtsmen's and Allied Technicians' Association members on official strike over holiday arrangements were sacked.

On Monday the 132 men received letters from the management saying they would lose their jobs if they did not return to work.

over CVA-LUCAS WORKERS have been locked out of their Fazakerly, Liverpool, factory following demands for higher piecework rates.

Shop stewards declare that on the company's standard of piecework, the workers earn only f14 a week for shift work and that 65 per cent of the workers do not earn the company's standard.

work allowance.

They are demanding an increase in the piecework standard from 225 per cent to 300 per cent -this would mean a f2 rise.

Production drop

Three weeks ago the men refused to do piecework to back their demand. Production diesel pumps dropped from 80 a shift to four, and the workers were sent home.

On Wednesday (February 9) a mass meeting passed a resolution declaring the men would not return to work on the management's conditions.

Understanding very well how the government's proposed anti-union laws would assist their management, the shop stewards committee sent delegates to the recent lobby of parliament on the question, By Newsletter Reporter planned to ask Mikardo why, several weeks earlier, he had denied full knowledge of any proposed legislation when Young Socialists inquired as to how he would vote when the proposed anti-union : law came before parliament.

NEC DISCUSSION

The new Socialist Labour League pamphlet 'No Laws Against the Unions' reveals that the legislation was first discussed In a statement after the decision was taken to return, Frank Levick said:

'The struggle will continue inside the factory.

FIGHT ON This must be the case. The fight must go on inside Millspaugh, and in the AEU, which refused to support the strike.

This attack on the workers in Sheffield is part of a general attack from the employers who, using a Labour government, are attempting to break up factory organisation and bring the trade unions closer into the state machinery and, of course, the employers' control.

The Millspaugh workers must join the fight in Sheffield against the proposed anti-trade union legislation.

Seventh Hull stoppage TRANSPORT and General Workers' Union officials are moving in on the Hull dockers who are holding one-day token stoppages over their demands for a new piece rate agreement.

Tim O'Leary, secretary of the union's docks group, and Jack Jones, acting assistant general secretary, decided to visit Hull on Monday after the seventh stoppage of 3,200 men. IVERPOOL

YOUNG Socialists again • lobbied the Southall Trades Council last week where the question of the strike at the Woolf Rubber company was to be discussed.

At a previous meeting of the Trades Council, officials who had run the strike were invited to this meeting mainly because of the previous lobby by Young Socialists and Woolf workers. The lobbyists had called for an inquiry into the way the strike was run.

Some of the Woolf workers were invited into the meeting as visitors. The strike, which was the first strike of any size in the area for nearly a year, was discussed for only a quarter of an hour.

ATTACK ON YS

A leading member of the Communist Party at no time mentioned the role of union officials in the strike, the non-payment of strike pay, etc., but contined himself to attacking the Young Socialists as 'splitters'. He accused the youth of losing the strike.

At a further mass meeting of Woolf workers on Saturday, called to discuss the report-back from a rank-and-file inquiry committee set up last week, a resolution was passed condemning the role of the officials in the strike, calling for an official inquiry into their role and for the backdating of strike pay.

An official told the meeting that the executive committee of the union was inquiring into the strike. It had also been agreed between the union and management, he said, that those workers still not taken back would not necessarily get their old jobs back, but would be given jobs with as near as possible the same pay.

CYNICAL COMMENT

Still you can't win them all, boys', was the official's cynica comment!

Woolf workers must demand that those people responsible for the running of the kicked out of their positions. This alterna be dentership in the union vhile fighting against the anti. inion laws of the Labour govern. ment. They should join the Middlesex Young Socialists' demonstration against these laws, which begins at Willesden Junction at 3 p.m. on February 19.

JOIN THE SLL proposals for anti-trade union legislation. NAME.

ADDRESS.

From BILL HUNTER L IVERPOOL council tenants are now receiving notices of the first instalment of rent increases, payable in a month's time. The second instalment will be imposed in July.

Increases vary from 7s to 15s a week. There have been no reports of tenants' meetings called by any of the 23 councillors who voted against the increase.

In fact all indications are that most of these councillors, having voted the council meeting, have no intention of developing an organised fight among tenants three years ago by a sub-committee of the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party.

As Mikardo is a member of the NEC, why had he not revealed these plans to the working class?

Leading union officials, such as Richard Briginshaw of the Society of Graphical and Allied Trades, had pablicly stated that thed ro Imprisomment of unian leadersyet Mikardo cannot commit himself!

WAY BARRED

After waiting for two hours for Mikardo to deal with constituency matters, the deputation were called to his office only to find their way barred by a local Labour bureaucrat who informed them that Mikardo would not meet them.

When the Young Socialists protested that they had no intention of leaving without seeing Mikardo, they were told, of course, that the police would be called and they would be removed from the building.

Seeing that this old threat cut no ice with the youth, one of the Labour councillors present gave the lame excuse that Mikardo only saw individuals, not groups.

When it was pointed out that earlier in the evening Mikardo had spent half an hour meeting a 'peace in Vietnam' deputation, the bewildered official retreated.

Finally, without waiting for the policemen to arrive, Mikardc ignored the barrage of questions, turned his back on the young workers, headed for his car, and drove off without uttering a single syllable.

The utter bankruptcy of the old "Tribune'-ite 'left' is exposed once more.

Completely intimidated by the right-wing, these people have nothing to say when faced with the awakening giant-the radicalised working class of 1966.

In the rapidly maturing political situation, they will be swept away and replaced by the revolutionary leadership which is being built by the Young Socialists and Socialist Labour League. and trade unionists.

It has been reported from Kirkdale that Eric Hetter, MP and James Dunn, MP for Kirkdale, when asked for their advice about tenants' meetings told the counculors there who opposed the increase, to have nothing to do with them.

The agenda of the next meeting of the Liverpool Trades Council and Labour Party is now being circulated. The resistance to developing any real movement against rents is clear from that. The executive committee has avoided calling a central meeting of tenants to fight the increases, as instructed by the last Trades Council meeting.

Several councillors who opposed the increase continue to support a policy of sending the increase for inquiry by the Prices and Incomes Board. The executive council is endorsing resolutions calling for that. This avoids responsibility for pursuing a real fight against the increases.

The Kirkdale councillors did not attend a recent meeting ot about 100 tenants from three blocks of flats in Kirkdale.

This meeting set up a tenants' committee and passed a resolution to be taken to Kirkdale Constituency Labour Party meeting.

The resolution called on the CLP to support the councillors who voted against the increases and to issue a statement of supagainst these slashing attacks on workers' standards'.

Young Socialists are continuing to fight against the rent increases and are assisting tenants to set up tenants' committees.

'militants' to drift into this situation with qualified support, now withdraws it and tells the press his more militant members' are to blame.

Whilst the 'militants' continue to compromise with the right wing they will be subject to treatment like this.

OPPOSITION

Although the respective roles of Greene and the 'militants' were played out differently, they were in essence complementary and led eventually to the growth of rank-and-file opposition to the strike itself.

Even though the motives of many who opposed' the strike during the last few days of last week are questionable, the inescapable fact emerges in discussions with them that they were not prepared to follow blindly into a strike that was certain to be fought not on behalf of the whole working class but in isolation from it.

In fact the strike call had popular support, and although future strike calls will be viewed with suspicion, this cannot be allowed to deter those who are still prepared to struggle against the policies of the Labour government.

After the Prices and Incomes

The Communist Party statement A meeting last liday oned • meeting last rraay treb ruary) 11) of the London Airport branch of the Electrical Trades Union, members reluctantly elected a new secretary to replace Fred Gore. This follows the ban on Gore from holding office in the union for life.

The executive committee of the union recently found him guilty of provoking loaders at_BEA, where Gore is also the ETU convenor, into taking 'unconstituttional action' in a recent dispute; of negotiating for working week less than the 40 hours for shift workers, which was regarded as contravening union policy; and of attacking fellow member Blair casting the union's vote against nationalization of the aircraft industry at last year's Trades Union Congress.

DENIES 'OFFENCE '

Gore completely denies the first 'offence'.

As a result of the ban, the BEA management has told • Gore that he cannot sit on the joint panel, of which he was a member and, in retaliation, the joint pane) is refusing to sit with the management.

At the branch meeting a lot of militant noises and shouts of protest emerged from the floor.

EXPLAIN ACTION

About 100 members were present and many demanded that the executive committee attend the branch to explain its action. They also demanded an inquiry into the activities of another branch member, to be conducted by the branch.

An airport electrician told The Newsletter. "The recent mysterious closing of the Hounslow branch and the witch-hunt against Bill Ward, and now the witchhunt against Fred Gore, means that the branch, as well as rank-and-file members nationally, must fight tooth and nail to retain the independence of their organisa-

Board's treatment of railway workers, tremendous pressure will come from the rank and file of unions whose leaderships wish •to submit wage claims to the Prices and Incomes Board.

The campaign against trade union legislation is now the most vital issue around which workers who are presently involved in wage struggles-and those who will be shortly-can unite.

LESSONS

The lessons of the NUR defeat are plain for all to see—it is not sufficient to pass resolutions and put pressure on the right wing in the hope that the left wingers will be given a voice.

The lack of any real alternative socialist policy and leadership to that of the right wing led to the NUR defeat.

Railwayworkers must now mobilise against the implications ot the Prices and Incomes Board report and in the process forge a new leadership based on the rank and file and capable of organising support from other sections of the working class in the fight to defend jobs and conditions.

Registered at the G.P.O. as a newspaper Published by The Newslette: 9. ₩ 4 1RO Clapham High Strest, London. SwA Printed by Plough Press Ltd (TU)