AS recent

made clear, the old relationship 1 between the trade unions and the Labour Party, brought about by a political radicalisation of the working class through the events surrounding the latt Vaie case, Is now being undermined by the demands that a crisis - ridden British capitalism puts upon its representauves in the labour movement.

From this historica understanding of tne background to anu-union legisiauon musi How lne poliucal suralegy that Will enaole ine working class to Dreak decisively win reformism wilour running into ine ouna aley of synuicausin. "There can be no aoubt that a furiner term oI Omce IOr Lavour wi! nep to oreak many more worners tom musions in te curuyatea so assimousty ior ovei OU years in te working class, arst Dy tae mace-ciass radiais, tnen tue Labourites, ana now Dy Lon rarty sunce 194).

Bonds broken State action by tne wuson goveriment against ine omical and inolcial Doaies of the working ciass in the torm of inquiries wath the powers to compel attenaance, fines and imprisonments, will assist in the Dreaking oI the bonds that te many secuons of the working ciass to tne institutions and tninking of retormism.

But the development of a leadership that can take the working class through the experience of the tight against the Labour government, through to a break with reformism and beyond to the taking of power, me manical process at Li meonanical process that come about simpiy through the 'exposure' of the Wilson government.

We know from the past history of the international workers' movement that the crisis of and open betrayal by reformist leaderships does not lead inevitably to the growth of a revolutossy alternatine Often Pithe past, disillusionment with the politics of reformism has led to anti-political, syndicalist trends emerging in the working " class, trends that can rapidly grow ano feed on the betrayals of past leaderships if Marxists are unable to intervene in the crisis of reformism in such a way as to win mass support. Syndicalism grew up in the pre-1914 period as a reaction by the working class against the corrupt reformist politics practised by their parliamentary representatives. This process of corruption reached a very advanced stage in France where Millerand aocepted a post in a capitalist Cabinet as early as 1899.

Eleven years later Briand, another 'socialist' broke national rail strike by conscripting all railwaymen into the army and placing them under military discipline. Further impetus to the split between the unions and the socialist movement in France was given by Millerand's decision in 1901 (one year after the Taft Vale judgement) to • make unions legal persons able to sue and be sued in a court of law.

Fertile soil

The open turn by many socialist parliamentarians against the trade unions provided fertile soil for the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism.

Its leading ideologists, Herve anise premise certail politie were corrupt, developed a cult of violence, blind action and spontaneity that was to reach its highest point in the general strike and the ensuing collapse of the capitalist order. Its rejection of a science of the class struggle was dressed up as shallow anti-intellectualism, while the Marxist theory of the vanguard party deeply rooted in the struggles of the workers was rejected for a self-erected elite, which, by acts of heroism and violence, was to galvanise the whole of the class into action.

For a period of time, syndiREAD THE No Laws Against Trade Unions They ethel The S gue, calist theories could appear quite left in relation to the openiy opportunist policies of the reformist wings of French and Italian socialism. The true nature of syndicalism became clear only during the First World War, when leading syndicalists such as Hervé swung night round overnight and pledged full support to the cruitment dripes of toeir respective capitalist governments.

It was no coincidence that many of the syndicalist theorists found their cult of violence best exemplified in the mass slaughter of the First World War, and that after that war, the same syndicalists ended up in the various fascist, groupings that mushPrice 30 be read with A Socialist Policy For the Crisis ice 3d.

for 8d. (including postage) from : 186a Clapham High Street, S.W.4 the publication of factory newssheets, brought for the Communist Party on the eve of the General Strike an influence out of all proportion to its 6,000 members.

It was here that the development of Stalinism-the turn away from the programme of world revolution towards the reactionary utopia of socialism one country-took its tragic toll of the communist movement in Britain.

Fearing renewed imperialist intervention in the Soviet Union, the Soviet trade union organisation, headed by Tomsky, concluded an agreement with the General Council of the British Trade Union Congress that in the event of war between Britain and