Et tu, Brockway?
1966The NewsletterMichael Banda Read the scan at ETOL (PDF) →Read from the scan by machine and not corrected: headlines and words can be misread, and a caption or advert can run into the text. For anything you quote, read the scan.
understanding of the step reached by the present crisis; they emphasise the essential and central character of the problem of building independent revolutionary parties; and they confirm perspectives of the Marxists in the Fourth International who have fought against the liquidationist tailing behind Castro and his like.
Perhaps Hansen, Frank and the 'United Secretariat' think they are 'defending Trotskyism' when they reply to Castro. This only shows the most dangerous side of revisionism. ciples and traditions end prim Trotskyism into a fossil, a dead dogma, lifeless and unable to develop in line with the tasks of the working class.
"Trotskyism' was turned into a series of phrases to justify the petty-bourgeois demagogues like Castro, who captured the bourgeois state machine and used it to prevent any further advance by the working class.
To call this 'the building of to use Marxist, Trotskyist phrases to do it more convincingly.
The real need was, and is, to understand Castro's role, workers party in Cuba and enery build other country in Latin Americ and the rest of the world which can lead the workers own power. To fail to ternational, and build up the forces will turn on and working-class movement. Castro has proved this more convinc. ingly even than Ben Bella.
The International Conference called by the International Com mittee of the Fourth International this Spring is receiving mounting support from Trotskyists in many countries. theme, rebuilding tionary parties in every those have against the revisionism of Pablo. Frank, Hansen and Germain in the United Secretariat'. Its perspectives are the only answer for these who remain caught in the trap of appealing to Castro to mend his ways.
Police attack Salisbury again used police dogs against demonstrators when 100 students paraded outside the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, where both coloured and white students and lecturers have been striking against police restrictions on college life.
Police ordered that there could not be any meetings of more than three people. This followed boycott of lectures by students demanding that the University takes a stand against UDI.
Most of the 230 students are boycotting lectures, and nearly 30 lecturers—a fifth of the teaching staff-have struck.
Acting head of the college's history department Ian Henderson arrived in Britain on Monday to see Dr. Walter Adams, principal of the college. Dr. Adams had arrived in London on Sunday to discuss grants to the college.
Henderson claims that normal NY conscientious and objective student of Ghanaian - politics must certainly have recognised the military coup as a shift to the right and an attempt to exploit the bankruptcy of Nkrumah's reformism in order to install a more stable and authoritarian regime.
students life in the college is now virtually impossible.
'College life is not just lectures. It is all sorts of gatherings, both formal and informal, and these cannot take place When you have to seek permission.' Ishmael Mulambo, a 33-yearold economics student who arrived with Henderson said the boycott had arisen because of the UDI question and because the university authorities had not taken vigorous steps secure the freedom of students who had been restricted by the regime.
Henderson claimed that all the lecturers were in favour of the strike, but would not join it. He put this down to the fact that, although they opposed UDI, many people had now 'gone along with it because they want a quiet life'.
At the same time the Smith regime had built up a hate campaign against Harold Wilson and loyalties to the regime were strong.
On the question of the sanctions against the regime Henderson claimed: ' •.. they are not working and you can buy anything in the shops!' That is why both Britain and the USA lost no time in recognising the new regime which is based on bayonets.
That the imperialists should wel come this change is not at all surprising, but what can we say when that great 'friend' of Nkrumah and Ghana, Lord Fenner Brockway, writes in Tribune: '. .. I must record there seems little doubt that the majority of Ghanaians now welcome the revolution which has taken place...?
Coming from a man who has spent the last 12 years defending and apologising for, and perpetuating the myth of African 'socialism' and Nkrumah's cult of personality, this may seem a little strange and even somewhat ungrateful. After all Lord Brockway wrote a book on the Gold Coast revolution' which tried to present Nkrumah as a staunch anti-imperialist and socialist-when most socialists, even then, recognised him as a demagogue and a bourgeois lickspittle of imperialism.
When Nkrumah attacked the working class during the general strike and arrogated Napoleonic powers to himself what did the sanctimonious Lord say?
He said nothing.
So long as imperialism supported Nkrumah, he the Redeemer) was alright-but when imperialism found him an obstacle the honourable Lord, with truly amazing political agility, jumped off the Nkrumah bandwagon and discovered (after the events) to his horror that the Black God he had worshipped was a capricious and fallible mortal.
LEADERS ARRESTED Of course if the coup had failed and the leaders had been arrested • what would Brockway have said then?
A rhetorical question.
As a consummate worshipper of the accomplished faot there is no doubt that Brockway would today be filling the columns of "Tribune' with his turgid prose in praise of the wisdom and magnanimity of the Osagyefo. No doubt he would have had some harsh things to say about the abortive coup leaders too. But, as a certain cynic said, nothing succeeds like success and this presumptious humbug now has the audacity to write: (Cont. back page, col. 1)