RANK AND FILE NOT CONSULTED ON DECASUALISATION MAJOR DOCK STRUGGLE AHEAD Vietcong

IT will come as no surprise Newsletter to learn that the with employment on the docks interests of their members on the sation Committee.

This is the body set up as a result of the Devlin Commission Report, and it includes representatives of the employers, the Transport and General Workers' Union and the National Amalgamated Stevedores and Dockers' Union. After several meetings the Modernisation Committee is proposing that Mr. Ray Gunter, the Minister of Labour, makes a draft order involving serious changes in the dock labour scheme.

According to the 'Financial Times', April 14, 1966:

"This order gives the changes needed in the existing dock labour scheme to allow -for ending the present casual system of employment. Objec tions can be lodged by anybody up to May 6 and if the Minister considers them to be valid he must arrange an enquiry.' Objections?

The 'Financial Times goes comment:

However, because all the main dockers' unions are represented on the National Modernisation Committee, which worked out the system for decasualisation, they are not expected to raise major objections to the order' Of course, and this is where the boot really pinches, before making the decision the unions concerned avoided like the plague any kind of consultation with rank-and-file portworkers. In other words, they knew they were selling out.

Decasualisation under the proposed order would mean the reak-up of the present dock abour scheme by throwing the dockers to the mercy of port employers either on matters involving discipline or the future of their jobs.

This proposal can only be defeated by a national struggle involving all dockers throughout the country. The union leaders have sold out, the dockers were not consulted, now it has to be a fight to a finish, that is, until the proposed order is withdrawn.

Not sufficient At this point, some dockers, notably Mr. Jack Dash, call for the nationalization of the dock industry. With this we entirely agree but it would not be sufficient. Portworkers should consider the bitter experiences of the miners in a nationalized industry, where the labour force has not only been considerably reduced but speed-up is rampant and now their wage claims are blocked.

Portworkers require much more than mere nationalization along these lines. They need a system of workers' control where they have access to all the vital information concerning the administration and profitability of their industry. Under these conditions they will be in a position to decide the best policies for their members. THE EDITOR to readers of The unions concerned have sold out the National ModerniDash: We agree with his call, but it is not sufficient The Newsletter policy for portworkers is: • Prepare an all-out fight for the withdrawal of the proposed order on decasualisation. Recognise that this will be from the start a political struggle against the Labour government and the oflicial trade union leadership.

Demand the immediate nationalization of the port industry under workers' control.

Build a rank - and - file leadership pledged to these policies which will ultimately replace the present trade union leadership.

Rhodesia U.S. infantry routed, air base bombed THILE the Saigon puppets and their puppeteers in Washington are frantically trying to get a patchedup agreement with the rebels in Hue and Da Nang, the Vietcong are having a field day with the U.S. forces.

In one battle, 30 miles from Saigon, a large force of Vietcong completely routed and annihilated a company of First Division infantrymen.

One of the few U.S. survivors described the battle as 'horrible'. In fact it was poetic justice: one Vietcong bullet exploded a gas grenade on a U.S. soldier's belt and released the gas among the U.S. troops, adding to the general confusion.

The day after, Wednesday, the Vietcong followed up with a surprise attack on Ton Son Nhut air base, which is only three miles from Saigon.

MORTAR FIRE

For 20 minutes the Vietcong poured mortar fire on the base and succeeded in blasting 400,000-gallon jet-fuel tank, six planes, and 12 helicopters. At least eight U.S. and Vietnam servicemen were killed.

Some of the mortar fire narrowly missed the house of Marshal Ky.

Unable to win militarily or politically on the ground President Johnson and his restless chiefs of staff have decided to escalate (if that word has any meaning now the air war against North Vietnam by authorising bombing raids by the giant B-52 bombers.

Some U.S. senators, such as Stuart Symington, are determined to bomb Haiphong and Hanoi and are exerting pressure on the government. What stops Johnson from immediately embarking on such a policy Third International Congress = the most impressive of our SOME OF THE LEADING DELEGATES AT THE CONGRESS: (left to right) standing: M. Banda, eator, Newsletter; Clift Slaughter, secretary, International Committee. Seated: Pierre Lambert (France);

G. Healy (Britain); M. Rastos (Greece); Stephan Just (France)

HE Third International Congress called by the International Committee of the Fourth International took place in London from April 4 to April 8 inclusive. It was beyond doubt the most impressive conference of our movement since the founding conference in the summer of 1938. A significant feature was the attendance of special youth delegations as observers from the French youth organisation 'Révoltes', and the British Young Socialists.

The conference began just the day after the highly successful 6th Annual conference of the Young Socialists at • Morecambe, where over 1,000 delegates and visitors participated.

At the International Conference there were four main delegations, French, Hungarian, Greek and English.

In addition there were observers from the USA, Japan, Ceylon, Iraqi students, Germany, Denmark and the 'Voix Ouvriere' group from France. Observers from the Congo and Nigeria were unable to attend on time, because of unThe main discussion centred on a report from Comrade Cliff Slaughter, the secretary of the International Committee, who proposed the main political resolution on Rebuilding the Fourth International (main extracts reported on The discussion on this report lasted two days and comrades representing not only the main delegations, but observers also participated.

The main political difference which emerged during this discussion centred on the proposition as to whether or not the Fourth International has ceased to exist as a result of the treachery of Pabloism. Some observers, especially from the Voix Ouvriere' group in France maintained that the Fourth International was completely finished and needed to be rebuilt Conference decisively rejected this proposition along the lines that in practice it was an the damage done the Fourth Interthe day it was movement SS • founded, fought revisionism and held the banner of Trotskyism and Marxism aloft.

It was stressed that in 1953, on the eve of the split with Pablo's so-called International Secretariat, the French and English delegations had met and formed the International Committee of the Fourth International. In this action, they were supported by the Socialist Workers' Party of the USA, who could not be The International Committee, founded in September 1953, took over the task of fighting to preserve and develop through the experience La changing international situation the Marxist theoretical work which Comrade Trotsky utilised in order to found the Fourth International.

The conference demonstratively recognised that Trotsky's struggle was continued in a most serious way by the International Committee, and it unanimously rejected all proposals to the contrary.

This decision paved the way for the next stage which was the appointment of commissions to work over and report on the American situation, the next stage in the development of the Fourth International, and a manifesto of the Fourth International which will be published shortly. The reports back from these commissions were accepted unanimously.

The conference demonstrated clearly that the history and theory of Comrade Trotsky and the Fourth International was related in every way to the building of the International and its national sections today.

A full report of the conference will be published in the next issue of 'Fourth International'. represented because of the Voorhis Act.

• Vietcong of course, is his fear of war with China.

Many White House officials now feel certain that time is not on the side of Johnson in Vietnam.

Any further procrastination, they insist, will see the collapse of Ky's regime and the complete isolation of the U.S. in South Vietnam.

Already attempts by the Saigon generals to persuade the people that they are in favour of civilian rule have been denounced by the Buddhists as 'fraudulent, and even bigger demonstrations against Ky are in the offing.

The uncontrollable political situation is undermining the entire military effort of the U.S. One example which reveals vividly the hopeless position of the U.S. bandits is the shortage of bombs in Da Nang created by the refusal of civilian porters and even soldiers (sic) to unload them at the docks.

S the 'Daily Telegraph' A commented on Wednesday, the president of the Boilermakers' Society, Danny McGarvey's assessment of the Geddes Report on Shipbuilding is a mixture of "hard" and "soft" sell to the union's membership'.

In an article in the union's journal, McGarvey firmly rejects the suggestion in the Geddes report that a demarcation panel be set up to prevent inter-union struggles in shipyards.

At the same time he says the report could set the industry on 'a course of much calmer seas and a brighter future'.