The Newsletter, vol. 9 no. 462

THE SIX HUNDRED AND FORTY-NINE Birmingham car delivery drivers, whose official strike against the sacking of over half their number has shut down the Austin factory at Longbridge, are the first workers to take industrial action against the jobs crisis forced on the working-class by the government's policies.

Their union, the Transport and General Workers' Union, has declared itself against redundancy and for work-s 333 delivery sacking of the drivers, union leaders have used such words as 'vicious and inhuman', 'ruthless' Yet they seem to propose fighting it purely as an industrial dispute, without political significance as a fight against the Labour government's attacks or he working-class.

The strike has been joined by about 100 car delivery drivers would British myet tọ with ruthless and calwithin the limits of a union dispute affecting only transport workers.

One union leader is quoted as saying:

Sincerely regret any losse at may be sustained by BMC 'Unreasonable' Yet among the pickets at the gates are drivers who understand the political nature of this strike, compare it with the seamen's strike. They predict that the struggle will be a grim one, and may be long. per cent effective, is in protest gainst the redundancy plans o he Longbridge Group of Deliver Agents, the firm which transports over 90 per cent of the vehicles leaving Longbridge for distribution and export. de to iday and Than and i car had left At the end of last week the T&GWU proposed should be shared on the basis one weeks ovorking one week on, This was rejected as 'impracticable and uneconomic' by the delivery agents. SYLVIA PICK

IT IS REPORTED that Ludwig Hass, one of several Polish Trotskyists jailed earlier this year for issuing a document criticising Polish Workers' Party R • leaders, has been released.

Hass, along with Romuald Smiech, Kasimierz Badowski, Karol Mozelewski, Jacek Kuron and others were each jailed for three years following secret trials.

In May, the Young Socialists and Socialist Labour League marched to the Polish Embassy to demand their release.

FOR THE SOCIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE and its co-thinkers grouped around the International Committee tor the Fourth International, the 30th anniversary of the tascist uprising in Spain was an occasion tor the re-atfirmation of the basic propositions of Marxism-that the working class is the only torce capable of revolutionary change in society, and that the decisive role is played by Marxist leadership in harnessing and guiding this For the Stalinists, and particularly their Spanish contingent, it served merely as yet another opportunity to prove to world imperialism their loyalty to the status quo, and the Kremlin policy of 'peaceful co-existence' with capitalism.

A statement published by the Spanish Stalinist Party and reproduced in the British Communist Party's weekly, "Comment', takes to the furthest possible limits its long established policy of the 'popular front', elaborated by Dimitrov at the 7th Congress of the Communist International in 1935.

Its core is that in the struggle against war and fascism, alliances could and indeed have to be made with 'progressive' The 'peoples' front' thus included the Radicals the Democrats and "liberal' Republicans in the Liberals and Anti-German Tories such as Churchill in Britain, and right-wing Republicans in Spain.

To secure such allies for the Soviet bureaucracy against the threat of war with Nazi Germany, all revolutionary demands had to be erased from the programmes of the Communist Parties conand AEL THE NEW SLETTER The so-called 'hooliganism' in again, that not everyone is, as 'collective leadership' of Kosy! question goes much deeper, explains. e Soviet Union illustrates, once Pravda' claims, happy under the 1 (left) and Brezhnev. But the as our special correspondent Octaber, October,

HUGO BLANCO, the Peruvian peasant leader, was sentenced to 25 years' jail early in September by a military court held in the small town of Tacna, near Lima.

A 22-year sentence was passed on Pedro Candela, and six others were jailed for between two and five years. Over 30 people were named as defendants, and 29 were in court.

Blanco's vicious sentence sent him — shouting Tierra 0 muerte!' (land or death)-to the infamous El Fronton prison, situated in Lima harbour.

His cry was taken up by the other defendants, and the large crowd in the public gallery.

This also happened during the trial, and the court was cleared several times by the judges.

At one time it was feared that the judges would call for the death sentence for Blanco.

But the tremendous feeling and sympathy for the revolu tionary peasant-guerrillas in Peru and throughout the world probably led to a change of mind by the repressive authoriAdvertisements were placed by students in the Lima daily 'Expreso' after the trial calling for the annulment of the sentences and an end to the MiliNewsletter Reporter A resolution handed to the Embassy's second secretary, Polish woRkers movement the movement had suffered at the hands of Stalinist bureaucracy-in 1938 the entire leadership of the Communist Party of Poland had been wiped out in Moscow and between 1949-1956, Waldislaw Gomulka (Poland's present Prime Minister) had been jailed under the Stalinists.

The resolution continued:

Like these acts, the jailing of

CONFERENCE "THE CABINET' will fit is understood, today consider a proposal aimed protecting employers against court claims arising from the wage freeze . . This extract is from the opening sentence of the lead article in the 'Financ Times', September 29.

It sums up in a nutshell the role of Wilson's Labour seen by big business. It is a capitalist government carrying the interests of the employers.

tary Code, used to try political prisoners.

The main case against many of the defendants was that they had attacked and killed three policemen after joining Blanco's peasants' union.

The union had been organised 'because of the misdeeds committed by the large landowners.' A police post had been attacked in 1962 to kill a guard who had shot and killed a 15year-old boy and wounded two peasants. After the attack, the peasants ambushed police persuers and shot and killed two others.

In a statement to the court several defendants claimed they had been tortured by the police after capture—one had a broken shoulder and leg-and that they were not defended legally.

Blanco told the court that he was only guilty of pressing for agrarian reform.

Both he and Candela are to appeal against sentence.

In the meantime, the British labour movement must aid these heroic revolutionary fighters by demanding their immediate release. Telegrams and letters of protest must be sent now to the Peruvian Embassy, Sloane Street, London, Hass and his comrades is an attack on the international working class and, as such, undermines the existence of the Polish workers' state itself in the face of imperialism?

The May demonstration dissociated itself from a previous march to the embassy which had been joined by the antiCommunist, pro - capitalist Polish Socialist Party.

The Newsletter hopes.to confirm the news of Hass's release -and that of the other prisoners—in the near future. BY HEALY When they are threatened by the actions of the trade unions Wilson steps in, not to defend the unions, who supply the main support for the Labour Party, but to protect the Tory employers who are working night and day to destroy the Labour Party.

Delegates to the Labour Party Conference this coming week ounce mercilessly exposed. A break has to be made publicly from all FAKE 'LEFTS' EXCUSE The excuse of the Communist Party, the fake 'lefts" and others of a similar breed that we must not bring down such a government because this would open the door for the Tories is both dispicable and cowardly:

This is really nothing more than an acceptance of the one Tens of thousands of trade unionists It received offers of more than thirty times this sum, Wilson is All those who remain quiet and allow him to do this will share the guilt.

ANSWER

Reformism •and reformist policies are useless and totally inadequate. It is not just British capitalism but world capitalism which is in a mortal crisis. Only socialist policies can answer the crisis.

Nationalization of the basic industries without compensation under workers' control.

Freedom and self-determination for all colonial and semi-colonial peoples. Withdraw all British troops from overseas.

Break from American imperialism and give the fullest support and aid for the National Liberation Front in Vietnam.

Of course these policies cannot be successfully implemented unless a new Marxist leadership is built within the labour and trade union movement. : This is the role of the Socialist Labour League, supported by the Young Socialists.

We appeal to all sincere Labour Party members and trade unionists to consider working with and joining our organisation.

government out policies rsh facts cannot avoid acceptin for betraying the labour movemer i nothing more than i aceptance of t under th amongst the first to publish its city speculators wanted get in quick rester make a making as usual.

CND TO MRS. OLIVE GIBBS, writing in the latest issue of 'Sanity', the campaign's monthly journal, has intimated that €5,000 is urgently needed or the campaign will have to close down. •We have been crippled by lack of money' she writes, "and starved of support especially because many of those in the BOOK NOW FOR WAR Belgium and countries all over Europe.

which has its headquarters near to Liege.

NEXT WEEK will carry full reports and photographs from the Labour Party conference by our team of reporters already in Brighton BE SURE OF YOUR COPY PROBLEMS OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL The sixth in G. Healy's"

important series of articles will be resumed shortly.

liege OCTOBER 15 AGAINST NATO AND THE VIETNAM There is still time for our readers to sign up to go to Liege with the Young Socialists of Britain to meet socialist youth from They will be protesting against the war in Vietnam and against the capitalist alliance of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, The cost of the round trip to Dover-Ostend and Liege is £8 10s which includes a free meal at Liege and dancing on board ship there and back. All money must be paid in by September 30. Do not delay write now to Dany Sylviere, Liege Organiser, Young Socialists, 186a Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4, for further details or send a deposit of £2 with your name and address. BMC ANNOUNCED on Wednesday that 1,300 men would be laid off from their Cowley, (Oxford) factory, including those with two years' service and less, and those over the age of 65.

This means that one in seven will lose their jobs.

So far no lay-offs have been announced in BMC spares section-one of the most militant departments. This could mean that the management is trying to head off action in Oxford.

A further 600 are to lose their jobs at Pressed Steel-Fisher.

CLOSE?

labour movement who used to be with us have been reluctant to oppose a Labour government openly.

It is a great pity that Mrs. Gibbs did not publish a list of names of those 'left' fakes who have 'starved' C.N.D. of support. We are sure that "Tribune', , at least, would be interested. China and try to bring all three governments together for a solustands' Powers tion and make it clear to the world where Britain Naturally, most interest centres on the Prices and Incomes Act and economic affairs.

Several Constituency Labour Parties and unions have submitted resolutions on these issues. Later amendments refer to the pay freeze.

Even where they directly criticise the government, they evade the question of fighting against it.

Many begin with declarations of loyalty to some abstract concept of an 'incomes policy'.

For example, the Constructional Engineering Union 'asserts that the restrictions outlined by the Prime Minister in the statement of July 20, 1966, and the wage freeze are no more than stopsap measures, and that to restore confidence and to secure full co-operation, it is necessary for the government to immediately take other positive steps to resolve the problems, inducting as priorities substantial cuts and curtailment in all forms of military expenditure and further intensive efforts to secure international currency reform'.

The Chemical Workers sound much more 'left', demanding a more equitable distribution of the national product, and firmly opposing repressive legislation against trade union rights'.

But what has this to do with the actual role played by the Wilson government, How does it prepare for the struggle against unemployment and the wage cuts into which workers are now thrown?

Many resolutions this year oppose anti-union legislation. But the job has already been done; the Act is law and about to be operated.

How many of those putting Continued paze 4, column 6 -

SOCIALISTS INIONISTS AND UNEMPLOYMENT DEMONSTRATE AT HE LABOUR PART Brighton, Sunday, October Meeting: Ocean Restaurant, West Pier, Every factory and stewards committee should CALL TO ALL YOUNG WORKERS Assemble: 1.30 p.m., Palace Pier this fight out on October 2nd!

nationalize the engineering car industry at once THE MORE BLATANT the Labour government's attack on the working class, the more ludicrous becomes the position of the Labour Party 'lefts'.

For years they have participated in the time-honoured ritual of criticising the policies of the right wing, while loyally avoiding any challenge to its right to lead.

At conference after conference of the Labour Party they performed their chosen role of safety valves for rank-and-file discontent.

But when this year's conference assembles in the Top Rank Entertainment Centre in Brighton, this routine will look somewhat played out.

The 'left" resolutions have an empty ring. Like the sickly grin of a mangy Cheshire cat, they are all that remains of the old oppositionism.

Take, for instance, the 44 resolutions on Vietnam. These, together with 'a number amendments, indicate the widespread disquiet in the Labour Party membership at Wilson's craven support for the US war against the Vietnamese workers and peasants.

Holborn Sad St. Pancras South Constituency Labour Party urges HM government to dissociate itself publiciy from either side in the conflict as the best chance of securing Russian co-operation in recalling the Geneva Conference.

Penistone thinks that 'the time has come for the Prime Minister to speak to both Vietnam and Cousins: No preparation

A SPECTRE is haunting the turrets and halis of the Kremlin - the spectre of Bolshevism. And like the old spectre of communism that had haunted all the powers of old Europe in 1848, it also has a physical breeding ground - the live, seething, potentially revolutionary discontent of the Soviet working class.

At the moment, this discontent is still masked by apolitical acts or by silent acts of ca'canny which the bureaucracy has christened 'breaches of public order' or 'hooliganism'. But this is only for public show.

Although not Marxists, they know which way their bread is buttered and they have read enough of Marx and Lenin to realise what this alarming increase in breaches of discipline' really mean.

That Trotsky's name has appeared three • different occasions within the last six weeks on the pages of Pravda' is no accident. From now on we can expect his name appear more often than in the recent past.

Officially, every Soviet citizen is as happy as a lark live under the "collective leadership' of the 'elected' Brezhnevs and Kosygins and on August 30, 'Pravda' burst into • one of its periodic - songs entitled "The Honour and Dignity of the Citizen':

"With profound patriotic feelings, every Soviet man utters the simple words, set into an inspiring poetical Construction:

•"I-citizen of the Soviet Union"!

With such false-ringing, pepadvertising language, spe bureaucracy seeks workers it exploits.

Soviet pride

Quoting Lenin, who on the fourth anniversary of the October Revolution said that 'the workers of our country are rightly proud of the fact that it had been their good fortune to begin the building of the Soviet state and With this, begin a new epoch in world history', 'Pravda' went on, 'Now ... the Soviet people feel very strongly pride their own Fatherland, happy to be participants in the great communist construction.' What Lenin said in 1921 about the justifiable pride of the Soviet workers was true. But in 1966, is it also true what 'Pravda' says about the 'honour' and 'dignity' and 'pride' of being a Soviet citizen?

Let us see what 'Pravda' itself tells us when its pep-writers aren't looking.

On September 15, in a leading article entitled 'Public Order Is A Party Concern', it starts:

In our country, there are not a few collectives [the personnel of factories, mines, etc.] which public order irreproachably maintained.' So not l tew collectives in also which public order is not 'irreproachably maintained'. Further on we read that 'we still have hooligans and rowdies and drunkards, who trample roughly on law and order, who darken the life of the toilers'. another article The day aft signed by the it published Public Prosecutor of Leningrad, S. Solovyev, Production, the Law', insight in the 'not a few collectives in which 'breaches of public order' take place. We shall only give a few examples of the number of cases he cites.

He starts the article:

•"There are no deficiencies whatsoever and we have none.

The stock-taking and book-keeping is carried out correctly in every detail." Thus declared the managers of Leningrad's watch factory just as they were getting to know that the Public Prosecutor's office had received information about thefts of watches at the enterprise. This was said with confidence, but ... it turned out that already on January 1966, a deficiency of 390 gilded watch-cases at No. 7 workshop was declared, but this was covered up and was not reflected in the inventory statement.

'Is this an exception? A chance? Not at all!' He gives another case.

'A worker from one of the enterprises stole about 700 metres of cable suitable for television antenna and was caught with it red-handed. Nonetheless, the management of the enterprise persistently asserted that the theft of cable there was an impossibility and, one after another, a pile oi documents were sent to the investigating organs from which it appeared: all the cable received by the workshop was used up on the products, that there were no deficiencies according and depot, to the store-room Such conspiracies by collectives against the State doesn't look like the acts of people proud to be Soviet citizens. Why, even State property can no longer be entrusted to them! 'Moral side' Solovyev also turned to the 'moral side of the business'.

'It is clear to everyone,' he says, 'that absence of control and irresponsibility rears disrepeat towards the interests of the people, trains people to think that the law, though it is written be broken, for all to see, can And further:

If in his own workshop [a worker] has become accustomed to breaking the laws in the letter, ublic and [and] with the management indifferent towards its defence, can we expect him to respect the norms of behaviour in outside life, to actively oppose attempts to disregard the law? Hardly! One final example of how the orkers and management 'do not ckon with the laws of the State The second of two articles by WE HAVE SEEN how the Moscow show trials of 1936-1938 were obvious frame-ups, and must have been known to be such by the leaders of the British Communist Party. This pretended ignorance of Stalin's crimes until they were suddenly 'revealed' by Khrushchev in 1956 is simply yet one more lie.

Perhaps they fall back on the second line of defence: they about quality [of products]'.

Quoting the case of a trading organisation that had returned to factory 'Skorokhod' 853 thousand pairs of footwear because of defects in manufacture, he asks:

'What was the cause of it?

Gross negligence by many workers, unscrupulousness on the part of employees of OTK [the trading organisation]?' When one bears in mind that these cases, as Solovyey himself states, are not exceptions and that they can be applied to 'not a few' factories all over the Soviet Union, then one gets an idea of the extent of the gulf the bureaucracy has created between itself, as 'defender' State property, and the workers.

Punishment

And what of 'hooliganism and rowdyism'? It has become so widespread that last July the government had to establish a special Ministry to cope with it. The Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on 'hooliganism' was published on July 28, 1966. It defines three categories of hooliganism.

1. Petty hooliganism. Using unquotable swear words' in public places, insulting behaviour towards citizens. Punishment: Jail for a period of 10-15 days or 'correctional labour' for one to two months plus a stoppage of 20 per cent of wages. A chief of police can impose the fine himself or take the culprit to court.

2. Hooliganism. 'Deliberate' acts or rude violations of public disorder and capressions of ob vious disrespect for the public'. Punishment: Deprivation liberty for six months to one year, or a fine of 30-50 roubles.

3. Malicious hooliganism, Distinguished by its 'exceptional cynicism or particular insolence or connected with resistance to government representatives Punishment: One to five years 'deprivation of liberty'.

Such, apparently, are the widespread acts now taking place all over the Soviet Union.

But are not we ourselves opposed to such acts? We are, of course opposed to such acts.

But while being opposed to them, we also try to understand them for what they really are.

How can one explain this enormous increase of "hooliganism' in the Soviet Union except as an as yet unorganised, politically-unconscious act of rebellion against the existing social order?

In a state where the possibilities of conscious acts of opposition have been destroved the people become atomized by police terror, by an established conspiracy silence about political alternatives. So 'hooliganism' is initially the only way the people can express their feelings of frustration, disgust and hatred for the bureaucracy.

When they steal from the State, they do not steal from the them believe, but from 'them', the masters in the Kremlin, the ones who have for years robbed the workers of their earned share in the wealth they have created.

'If a ship is declared collective property,' wrote Trotsky in "Revolution Betrayed", 'but the passengers continue to be divided into first, second and third class, it is clear that, for the third-class passengers, differences in their conditions of life will have infinitely more importance than that juridical change in proprietorship.' Like the stout females at the Conservative Party conterences, whose answer to the crimes against bourgeois property is the outcry: Bring back hanging and the birch, so the bureaucracy's only "solution' to the phenomena of 'hooliganism' and 'breaches of public order' is the slogan: We need more and more discipline! i Fhis has now become a persistant theme in the Soviet press.

But purely apolitical acts are no longer the only way workers react towards: the State. Thousands, perhaps even millions, are now groping towards a real Marxist understanding of what is happening in the Soviet Union.

One man • wrote to 'Pravda' (September 12):

Not long ago, studying Lenin's writings of the spring of 1918, I noticed how he had attached the greatest significance to the fostering and strengthening of socialist discipline-discipline of labour, in the observation of the laws of the Soviet Power, and in general every sort of order in the state of the proletarian dictatorship. But can one also correctly say in relation to the present times, when the building of communism is going on, that in the USSR we have the task of strengthening discipline in every possible way, as in former times, as one lecturer had expressed himself? After all, the class structure of our society, and the political consciousness of the population, and the standard of social development in our country, and its democracy are at present quite different from the first years of the Soviet regime.' A sixty-four thousand dollar question! 'Pravda' must have thought the question so representative of what is on the lips of millions of Soviet workers, that they mobilised no less than three members of the Academy of Science to answer it.

If the lecturer to whom the reader refers,' the reply article begins, 'actually said that we have timeg, 'he task "as in former in 1918, strengthen discipline, then he had not correctly expressed himself, not aptly. It may be that he simply made a slip in his speech.' A Freudian slip, one might add.

And the rest of the reply, quoting Lenin, Brezhnev, the Central Committee of the CPSU, pointed out that each historic period requires its own form of discipline; feudalism had the discipline of the stick, capitalism disciplined the workers through hunger. force. sections of the ruling class. the Fourth International. Western Europe from wards.

ment.

of 1936, in that and unity of the Nation' against the working class economy.

business.

Whatever the feelings of workers who were swept by the in France, USA, the and Eden At the same time, political contacts are estabisnea berween the Vaucan and the bureaucracy via the scalan Staunists and the Visit ot Gromyko to the rope.

Thus sialism proceeas to liquaate the pauosopnical oundauons of marxism by making its peace with the most hatea aetenders ot reaction and opponents ot intelleccual ana scienule progress.

Spanish Stalinism, well aware of the tremenuous pouncai power of the Largouc cnurca, long ago gave up che struggie against this most althill ourpost ol the Vatican ana ine rranco regime.

Now it turns its attention to the Monarcist groupings, and most outrageously of all, to the Carlists, the leaaing shocktroops of the tascists in ine civul war, the nolorious requeles.

The statement of the Spanish Staunists aueges that at a vartist rauy In Monce, uma, 'continual cries of "Liberty, Liberty, Liberty" mingled with the tracitionaust slogans (not disciosed here, giving a new character to the demonstration'.

Neither is the army (the officers of course) neglectea.

Here, too, the scalinists find new allies.

'Among the officers the idea is growing that the role of the military is to detend the frontiers against foreign enemies and not to act as the poucemen of their own people, the role they have been compelled to play by Franco' (Emphasis aadea.)

Thus the statement presents the ludicrous picture of a tascist dictatorship without support from it will have workers why refusing to 1 hard day's wr Again, suc broad allian‹ concessions ‹ of the partne!

'On • the t the Commun the temptatio ism with whi the 1936 revi be extolled for reconcilia Naturally, picket line exterminated of your con by its destru independence working clas for the mos perialist wars and decorum Small ques not be allowi text for scabl on the 'Nat Sink The stater appeal for al fought on o] civil war to : and to arran could take 1 Europe' (why of 'peaceful ( yesterday's could chat ‹ 'without taki attitude duri wards the w were in Spai Naturally e modestly str organisers of

knew the trials were faked, but the interests of the USSR demanded their complicity.

This is 1 the worst type of sophistry.

defended the Soviet Union in 1937?

Stalin, who, on Khrushchev's evidence General destroyed the Red Army Staff in the Tukhachevsky trial?

Or Trotsky, who from exile, these actions in the faces of these actions possible Nazi attack?

King Street machine to sell the genuineness of eare Moscow Trials in the labour movement.* Every absurdity was justified, every slander re-echoed.

Each day, the 'Daily Worker' poured out its quota of lies. The leaders of the Party wrote of Trotsky and Linoviev as tascist agents. Anyone who questioned the possibility that these leaders of the October revolution were all along enemies of _socialism, was himself denounced in similar style. • It is impossible to write on this subject without mentioning the name of Denis Nowell Pritt, QC, however sickening that may be. Now retired, this man recently published autobiography.

In it he tells us how he just 'happened' to be in Moscow as the 1936 trial opened, and how he had been convinced of the genuineness of Zinoviev's conression.

* We have drawn a great deal of the information here from *British Stalinists and the Moscow Trials by Brian Pearce, 'Labour Review', Vol. 3, No. 2.

'The Soviet authorities were apparently so satisfied of the genuineness of the case, and the guilt of the accused that they published the full shorthand transcript of the hearing, translated into English.

What their views of the case now are, after the revelation made at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (to which I will come in Part II) of the tragic abuses of the Stalin period, do not know. I have thought it best to leave unchanged my account of the trial, and of the views of it that I formed at the time, which I in fact wrote before the revelations were made.

'One sequel of the publication of the transcript was that the more industrious anti-Soviet propagandists in the West-those who sought to find a basis for their stories instead of just inventing them —eagerly studied the transcript, believed that they had found a certain number of errors of fact in it which would helo to discredit the trial, and published the errors broadcast.

I and others then naturally studied the allegations, and found that they were not in fact errors, although they looked as if they might be.'"

(Autobiography of D. N. Pritt-Part one: From Right to Left', Lawrence and Wishart.)

And so this comfortable lawyer tries to evade his direct responsibility for the murder of thousands of communists. inism and Pritt was a vital part of Stalin's murder machine.

As a Labour MP, he worked to convince many who would have otherwise doubted the guilt of those who confessed.

He wrote, for example, a preface to a pamphlet reporting the first trial. This document carefully omits the reference in Holtzmann's 'confession' to the nonexistent Hotel Bristol (mentioned more fully last week).

ABSURDITIES

In another pamphlet, "The Zinoviev Trial', Pritt set out to answer critics of the trial by slurring over the many absurdities.

The 1937 trial was defended in 'Soviet Justice and the Trial of Radek and Others' , by another barrister, Dudley Collard. Victor Gollancz published this book, like the pamphlets already mentioned, and Pritt wrote an introduction:

'At the first of these trials, it seemed clear to me on direct study on the spot that he case was genuine impression gained from The Mr.

Collard's description will, I think, enable many who were puzzled by the first trial not merely to convince themselves of the genuineness of the second, but also to derive from that conviction of the genuineness of the first' Collard follows every twist of e frame-up. On the alleged sit of Piatakov to Trotsky, he

SO CIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE and rs grouped around the International or the fourth International, the 30th of the tascist uprising in Spain was an r the re-attirmation of the basic of Marxism-that the working class is ce capable of revolutionary change in that the decisive role is played by lership in harnessing and guiding this talinists, and particularly their Spanish coned merely as yet another opportunity to prove ialism their loyalty to the status quo, and the of "peaceful co-existence' with capitalism. it published by the Spanish Stalinist Party and • the British Communist Party's weekly, es to the furthest possible limits its long estabE the 'popular front', elaborated by Dimitrov at ss of the Communist International in 1935. i that in the struggle against war and fascism, and indeed have to be made with 'progressive' Octob October, 966 At the same time, political contacts are estabusea Derween the Vaucan and the bureaucracy vla the sauan Stainists ana the visit ot Gromyko to the rope.

Thus Saurism proceeas to liquaate the pauosopnical ioundauons of marxism by making its peace with the most hatea defenders of reaction and opponents oI intellecial ana scientic progress.

Spanish Stalinism, well aware of the tremenuous poutical power of the Lanou courch, long ago gave up ce struggie against tais most althil outpost ol the Vatican ana ine rranco regime.

Now it turns its attention to the Monarchist groupings, and most outrageously of all, lo the Carusts, the leading shockroops of the tascists in the civil war, the nocorious Requeles.

The statement of the Spanish Staunists aueges that at a variist rauy . I Monie, uma, 'conit will have to be explained to workers why their employers are refusing to put in their normal hard day's work. •Again, such an unprecedented broad alliance demands certain concessions on the part of some of the partners:

'On the thirtieth anniversary the Communist Party puts aside the temptation to extol the heroism with which the people fought the 1936 revolt. ..: What must be extolled today is the desire for reconciliation...:

Naturally, when you are on the picket line with the class that exterminated a whole generation by its destructions the peltical independence of the Spanish working class, to pave the way for the most brutal of all imperialist wars, a certain restraint and decorum is called for.

Small questions like that must not be allowed to become a pretext for scabbing by industrialists THE ANNOUNCEMENT that the British Motor Corporation is to sack as many as 10,000 of its labour force and has already placed nearly 40,000 on short-time working reveals a growing crisis in this industry which has come under the hammer of Labour's economic policy.

The cut-back announced by BMC, involving a reduction of 100,000 in its vehicle production for the home market, is the most severe since 1945.

Even in the bad recession of 1956, only 6,000 lost their jobs.

The BMC cut-back is part of a general crisis in the industry: already Coventry, 5,000 workers are on short-time UP UNTIL 1964, British car exports led the world. But by 1965, West Germany was beating Britain in all major export markets.

The figures for last year show that the Germans produced approximately 2,800,000 cars and exported about half this figure.

British firms, on the other hand, produced some 1,722,000 cars and managed to export roughly one third.

During the first seven months of this year, the Germans produced approximately 1,054,000, exporting a half, whereas Britain only exported a third of the 1,035,361 cars produced.

Even before the seamen's strike, the February and March British figures showed a drop on the 1965 figures.

The industry's experts say that if they could maintain the record of the West Germans, the industry would have no problems.

But the fact that after the expansion programme, during 1961-1964 production spree, at Ford (Halewood), Vauxhall (Ellesmere Port), BMC (Bathgate), Rootes (Linwood), and Standards (Speke, Liverpool), they were unable to maintain exports show the evils of an unplanned ecoThe expansion, in fact, has made the industry weaker than its Continental rivals the exact opposite to the experts' predictions.

This weakness was covered up by sales in the home market.

The early months of 1965 produced 789,000 new car registrations, but during the last six months, sales slumped to 335,000—a 42 per cent drop on the first six months.

But the industry confidently stockpiled, expecting a good year.

The first six months of this year came up to expectations and an all-time record 809,000 new car registrations was reached. By July the industry was expecting the usual downturn in sales.

A '45 per cent downturn was expected - representing 315,000 cars for the second half of the year.

But the credit restrictions of April and July soon produced the present slump. ing badly over the last years.

Vehicle production slipped last year and, as a result of the present crisis, it is widely anticipated that production will fall by 5-7 per cent during this year.

In contrast to this, the European industry continues to boom and is expanding at a much faster rate.

Western Germany expects to pass its peak of 2.75 million vehicles this year; the French industry has now almost caught up with the British in terms of cars produced, and Japan, expanding rapidly, soon hopes to pass the million mark.

This, together with a growing crisis in the United States, which is hitting the giants such as General Motors, indicates a rapid sharpening of competition in the market for car sales in which many firms will be driven out of business.

Volkswagen, Europe's biggest

twist And socialism? Although they actually quote Lenin saying that after the October Revolution a great historical transformation took place from a discipline, forced upon the exploiters, to a conscious and voluntary discipline' › yet, so much did these Academicians wriggle and twist and turn that by the time they reached towards the end of the article they arrived at the conclusion that:

'An artificial curtailment of coercion, a weakening of the DENNIS NOWELL PRITT, QC, of Stalinist writers in justifyi Moscow Trials-and justifying of the October Revolution. Menshevik and prosecutor at ys:

'I have read some statement to the effect that no aeroplanes flew from Germany to Norway in December 1935. It seems hard to believe that this is so, and one does not know, i course, whether "special"

aeroplanes were referred to or only civil airliners.' In fact, Trotsky had established from the airport records planes from Germany landed on the Oslo airfield in December 1935, and this quite precisely contradicts Piatakov's 'confession'.

All the leaders of the CP added their contribution to the campaign.

Campbell compared Zinoviev to Franco.

Jack Cohen twisted an article of Trotsky's to make him appear to advocate the murder of Stalin.

Pat Sloan played his part as a 'Friend of the Soviet Union' by declaring his conviction that the defendants were all guilty.

Page Arnot reported the Piatakov trial in the 'Daily Worker'.

Gollan addressed the Young Communist League national council on "The Development of Trotskyism from Menshevism to Alliance with Fascism and Counter-Revolution'.

Dutt and Pollitt contributed to a pamphlet "The Truth About Trotskyism'.

Rothstein wrote a whole series of articles in the 'Daily Worker' containing a stream of the kind of lies and distortions of which he is a master. nore and more talism (left) led ig every : the murde Vishinsky, the trials, havend scote chest es stacles re advancing and outstripping u:

The statement concludes that the crisis within Spanish capimany of hose who accepted the illusions of the nationalist and Pseudo-revolutionary demagogy of Scared of action Driven on by a very real fear of independent working-class action against the fascist regime —action that has already been under way since the big strikes in the Asturian mines in the summer of 1962—and fully La whole number absurdity of the er of the leaders (right) an exwas their hero.

-OSCOW Ted, now Lord, Willis, at that time an undercover Stalinist in the Labour League of Youth, called for the Trotskyist 'wreckers' to be turned out of the labour movement.

William Wainwright, later author of the pamphlet "Clear Out Hitler's Agents: An Exposure of the Trotskyists', wrote on the Bukharin trial in 'Challenge', the YCL newspaper.

Every one of these writings was a conscious and deliberate lie, and each of these men knew it.

They applauded as Stalin wiped out the bulk of Lenin's comrades.

Vishinsky, the former rightwing Menshevik, had joined the Party only after it was well established and the bureaucracy had started to develop. As chief prosecutor in the trials he was the hero of the Stalinists.

Who were his victims, those whom he denounced as *fascist mad dogs', 'counter-revolutionary terrorists', and the like?

Apart from some . planted agents-provocateurs like Olberg or Sharangovitch, they were the leaders of October.

For example, 25 people were members of the Party Central Committee between 1919 and 1921. By 1939, four had died natural deaths, 17 had been shot or imprisoned, Tomsky committed suicide, Trotsky was exiled and later murdered.

Only Stalin and Kalinin lived on. based a true estimate of the trials?

On the contrary, they were all familiar Trotsky's detailed and meticulous answer froin exile to each point of the trials.

They knew of the independent commission headed John Dewey which went into every aspect of question from Trotsky's atitude tes individual to his movements Norway.

They knew quite well that he had declared his intention of returning to Moscow if the Dewey Commission found him guilty of any of the charges.

But the Stalinist leaders are men who long ago gave up every scrap of priciple. Their flexible spines adapted to every twist of Stalin's line, their mouths uttered each required calumny.

Far from defending the October revolution, the Pritts and Dutts weakened it by destroying its main line of defence-the international communist movement.

It was Trotsky and his co-thinkers who alone maintained the traditions of that movement zage for ottober from the coi- and fought to defend the ruption of Stalinism and the predations of the imperialists.

INTERNATIONAL POWER For the working class to take the power internationally and remove the imperialist threat to October, it must be led by a world party which sees the world as it really is.

Those whose political careers were based on the defence, not of the USSR, but of the bureaucratic disease of which Stalin's blood purges were a symptom, can never lead the revolutionary overthrow of imperialism.

Today, the British labour movement faces the possibility of breaking the grip of the rightwing agents of the bosses.

The treacherous role of the Stalinists today will come as no surprise to those who study their history of lies.

In finishing with the Wilsons, Browns and Carrons, the workers' movement will have to finish also with the friends of the right wing, Gollan, Dutt, Rothstein and company. IT IS NC following t gressional United Stat son and his to step up 1 aggression : and peasant Since Au US is now | war in Vi been a wh‹ developmen same directi For exam Times' on •Washington 15, carried inspired Saigon that to double: Vietnam du the total in 1 600,000, and and puppet and Siam t million.

On Septe Thieu-head Vietnam-—ca of North Vie "The war". quickly if invaded'.

Al And, follo 'elections' uppet regin IS air raids Republic Vietnam) har of intensity; troops have marines hav within 20 m almost insid zone' along

Stalinists into the 'Popular Front', this strategy was in its essence counter-revolutionary and aimed against the resurgence of working class militancy that sw 1935 ross It is this theory of the 'Popular Front' which is the basis of the Spanish CP's anniversary stateIt first of all takes the fascist regime to task for its failure to carry out its original programme ended to safeguard the rule, fait It argues from this proposition (absurd in that no fascist movement or regime can fulfill all its pledges due to the conflicting social groups from which such movements seek their support) that the old supporters of the regime, the forces that lined up 196-39, atre see the a it wat of he left' in order to speed up he development of the Spanish These new opposition forces include, according to the statement, the fascist Falange, the Church, the military, the Monarchists, finance and big The Spanish Stalinists echo this mood faithfully stating that aware of the radicalising effect that the overthrow of the Franco regime would have on the European, and particularly the French bureaucracy safeguards its re- working Kremlin cently cemented friendship with the Gaullist regime in France by proving its loyalty to the status quo in the Iberian peninsula.

The programme of the Spanish Communist Party reflects in its most extreme form the counter-revolutionary role that is played by the Soviet bureaucracy in relation to the struggles of the international working class, trom its strangling of the revolution in south-east Asia to their British counterpart's sabotage of the campaign against anti-unon legislation This preparation by Stalinism for its role as an international policeman for imperialism proceeds at all levels.

The .columns of Stalinist "theoretical'. , journals are thrown open to leading advocates of mysticism.

Recent contributors to 'Marxism Today' have included the Principal of the Church Missionary Society's training college for men, the Superior of Farm Street Church, London, the Professor of Divinity at Cambridge University, the Canon of Westminster, the • Vicar of All Saints', Oxhey and the leading Stalinist priest, John Lewis.

- ria s The history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had to be rewritten many times as its chief personages were shot or discredited, including the authors of the earlier histories.

The men slandered by Gollan and Rothstein were those who had devoted their lives to serve the workers' movement and the revolution.

lake, for example, what must surely be the bitter irony of the last plea to the court of Y. N. Drobnis:

"Yesterday, the State Prosecutor gave a complete and exhaustive summary of all my heinous crimes. And so I,, a shoemaker, who at the age of 15 became an active revolutionary, a Party member who served six years in a Tsarist prison, who survived three death sentences, sit in the dock as a grave offender, as a traitor to my country.' Such men 'confessed' after they had been politically broken by Stalin. Many thousands of others went to their deaths without ever giving in to the bureaucrats.

These faced not only their own torture, but often that of their families.

Did Dutt or Rothstein know nothing of this? Rothstein's father lived in Moscow throughout this period. Pollitt and the others paid innumerable visits to Russia.

Were no facts available to them on which they could have any section of society-neither the Army, the Church, the capitalists nor the Monarchists (i.e., the landowners) throw their weight behind Franco.

Thus the manner of his removal must, it is asserted, be peacetul, as there are no forces which will resist.

In this way, the Kremlin bureaucracy's theory of 'peaceful co-existence' is neatly inserted into a country where miners are tortured to death for striking, such as Grimau, war are executed by firing squad for 'crimes' alleged to have been committed nearly 30 years ago.

Having characterised the Franco regime as the rule of one man and not of any class, the next logical step would be to propose an alliance of all classes against the regime. And this is precisely what the Stalinists do propose.

The Stalinists now become advocates of a national "strike' of a new type.

It is possible to make a general strike of the working class coincide with strikes of peasants, students, professors, employees and civil servants, tradesmen and industrialists. (Emphasis added.)

Obviously some instruction in the gentle art of picketing will have to be given to civil servants, and especially industrialists, and 'Through Communist intention of & parties, grou personalities practical pos: a meeting of Just as i through the various agen weight behi break up the working clas suicidal alli classes, to a heroism to 1 vres of the c Soviet bureat with the im] As in 1931 Kremlin des in Spain, ups entire balanc continent of To this e socialism is propaganda Stalinists.

They prese true party of fenders of p faith, and la Spanish w by the hun paid with th formist poli bureaucracy lings in Spair We are ci generation c far from be the past defe history of Stalinists uni to forget.

Were swept by the e 'Popular Front, is in its essence ›nary and aimed gence of working ¡hat swept across : from 1935 ony of the 'Popular the basis of the nniversary statetakes the fascist for its failure to iginal programme at it only 'preard the rule, faith Nation'. 1 this proposition no fascist movecan fulfill all its , the conflicting rom which such ‹ their support) upporters of the es that lined up king class and the civil war of eking a shift to der to speed up t of the Spanish ›pposition forces ng to the stateist Falange, the military, the nance and big talinists echo this y stating that i countries which these obstacles id outstripping us t concludes that in Spanish capiing the eyes of who accepted the : nationalist and nary demagogy of of action a very real fear it working-class he fascist regime las already been e the big strikes n mines in the 1962—and fully whole number surdity of the of the leaders "right) an exras their hero. cow Trials 'd, Willis, at that over Stalinist in ague of Youth, the Trotskyist e turned out of 'ement. ainwright, later pamphlet 'Clear Agents: An Ex"rotskyists', wrote in trial in 'Chal, newspaper. hese writings was id deliberate lie, ese men knew it. id as Stalin wiped Lenin's comrades. le former righti, had joined the ter it was well the bureaucracy develop. As chief he trials he was e Stalinists.

LEADERS

is victims, those unced as 'fascist nter-revolutionary the like?

some planted eurs like Olberg h, they were the ser.

25 people were 1e Party Central ween 1919 and i7 had been shot • Tomsky com• Trotsky was murdered. and Kalinin lived aware of the radicalising effect that the overthrow of the Franco regime would have on the European, and particularly the French working class, the Kremlin bureaucracy safeguards its recently cemented friendship with the Gaullist regime in France by proving its loyalty to the status quo in the Iberian peninsula.

The programme of the Spanish Communist Party reflects in its most extreme form the counter-revolutionary role that is played by the Soviet bureaucracy in relation to the struggles of the international working class, trom its strangling of the revolution in south-east Asia to their British counterpart's sabotage of the campaign against anti-unon legislation This preparation by Stalinism for its role as an international policeman for imperialism proceeds at all levels.

The columns of Stalinist 'theoretical' journals are thrown open to leading advocates of mysticism.

Recent contributors to 'Marxism Today' have included the Principal of the Church Missionary Society's training college for men, the Superior of Farm Street Church, London, the Professor of Divinity at Cambridge . University, the Canon of Westminster, the Vicar of All Saints' , Oxhey and the leading Stalinist priest, John Lewis.

The history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had to be rewritten many times as its chief personages were shot or discredited, including the authors of the earlier histories.

The men slandered by Gollan and Rothstein were those who had devoted their lives to serve the workers' movement and the revolution.

Take, for example, What must surely be the bitter irony of the last plea to the court of Y. N. Drobnis:

'Yesterday, the State Prosecutor gave a complete and exhaustive summary of all my heinous crimes. And so I,. a shoemaker, who at the age of 15 became an active revolutionary, a Party member who served six years in a Tsarist prison, who survived three death sentences, sit in the dock as grave offender, as a traitor to my country.!

Such men 'confessed' after they had been politically broken by Stalin. Many thousands of others went to their deaths without ever giving in to the bureaucrats.

These faced not only their own torture, but often that of their families.

Did Dutt or Rothstein know nothing this? Rothstein's father lived in Moscow throughout this period. Pollitt and the others paid innumerable visits to Russia.

Were no facts available to them on which they could have any section of society-neither the Army, the Church, the capitalists nor the Monarchists (i.e., the landowners) throw their weight behind Franco.

Thus the manner of his removal must, it is asserted, be peaceful, as there are no forces which will resist.

this the Kremlin bureaucracy's theory of "peaceful co-existence' is neatly inserted into a country where miners tortured to death striking, and Where veteran communists such as Grimau, the civil war are executed by firing squad for 'crimes' alleged to have been committed nearly 30 years ago.

Having characterised the Franco regime as the rule of one man and not of any class, the next logical step would be. to propose an alliance of all classes against the regime. And this is precisely what the Stalinists do propose.

The Stalinists come dir It is possible to make a general strike of the working class coincide with strikes of peasants, students, professors, employees and civil servants, tradesmen and industrialists! (Emphasis added.)

Obviously some instruction in the gentle art of picketing will have to be given to civil servants and especially industrialists, and Through this declaration the Communist Party announces its intention of getting in touch with parties, groups, associations and personalities to examine the practical possibility of organising a meeting of such a kind.' Just as in 1936, Stalinism, through the intervention of its various agencies, throws all its weight behind a campaign to break up the consciousness of the working class, to enmesh it in suicidal alliances with hostile classes, to adapt its power and heroism to the cynical manoeuvres of the counter-revolutionary Soviet bureaucracy in its dealings with the imperialist powers.

As in 1936, the last thing the Kremlin desires is a revolution in Spain, upsetting as it must the entire balance of power on the continent of Europe.

To this end, all mention of socialism is barred from the propaganda of the Spanish Stalinists.

They present themselves as the fenders of private property, the true party of the Nation, the defaith, and law and order.

Spanish workers and peasants by the hundreds of thousands paid with their lives for the reformist policies of the Soviet bureaucracy and its corrupt hirelings in Spain.

We are confident that a new generation of Spanish workers, far from being intimidated by the past defeats, will examine the history of the civil war that Stalinists understandably wish us to forget.

based a true estimate trials?

On the contrary, they were all familiar with Trotsky's detailed and meticulous answer froin exile to each point of the trials.

They knew of the independent commission headed by John Dewey which went into every aspect of the question from Trotsky's attitude to individual terror to his movements in Norway.

They knew quite well that he had declared his intention of returning to Moscow if the Dewey Commission found him guilty of any of the charges.

But the Stalinist leaders are men who long ago gave up every scrap of priciple. Their flexible spines adapted to every twist of Stalin's line, their mouths uttered each required calumny.

Far from defending the October revolution, the Pritts and Dutts weakened it by destroying its main line of defence-the international communist movement.

It was Trotsky and his co-thinkers who alone maintained the traditions of that movement aage of October from the cer- and fought to defend the ruption of Stalinism and the predations of the imperialists.

INTERNATIONAL POWER For the working class to take the power internationally and remove the • imperialist threat to October, it must be led by a world party which sees the world as it really is.

Those whose political careers were based on the defence, not of the USSR, but of the bureaucratic disease of which Stalin's blood purges were a symptom, can never lead the revolutionary overthrow of imperialism.

Today, the British labour movement faces the possibility of breaking the grip of the rightwing agents of the bosses.

The treacherous role of the Stalinists today will come as no surprise to those who study their history of lies.

In finishing with the Wilsons, Browns and Carrons, the workers' movement will have to finish also with the friends of the right wing, Gollan, Dutt, Rothstein and company.

Pago Four Octo er

IT IS NOW_CLEAR that, following the November Congressional elections in the United States, President Johnson and his government intend to step up further their war of aggression against the workers and peasants of Vietnam.

Since August 13, when The Newsletter warned that the US is now preparing an all-out war in Vietnam, there have been a whole number of new developments pointing in the same direction.

For example, the New York Times' on August 29, and the 'Washington Post' on September 15, carried stories—obviously inspired 'trial balloons'-from Saigon that the US is planning to double its forces in South Vietnam during 1967, bringing the total in that country to about 600,000, and the total American and puppet forces in Indo-china and Siam to over one a half million.

On September 22 in South Thie-head of State Vietnam—called for an invasion of North Vietnam.

"The war', he said, 'would end quickly if North Vietnam was invaded'.

AIR RAIDS

And, following the fraudulent 'elections' conducted by the puppet regime in South Vietnam, US air raids on the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam) have reached new levels of intensity; more Korean puppet troops have landed, and US marines have established bases within 20 miles of the Republic, almost inside the 'demilitarized zone' along the 17th parallel.

This is not, however, a sign of strength of the US imperialism —on the contrary, it is a sign of terrible weakness both Vietnam and at home.

Domestically, US imperialism is challenged, at a time of international economic crisis, on three fronts.

The heroic struggles of oppressed Negro workers continue throughout the United States: most recently, in Chicago and Grenada, Mississippi, big fights have been waged, and important gains made.

At the same time, as the war Vietnam throws increasing burdens on the American workers-current spending on the war is now put at 964 million pounds a month-and becomes ever more barbaric, the movement against that war continues to grow.

UPSURGE OF WORKERS At present, of course, many members of the anti-war movement are still confused by the renegade Socialist Workers' Party and the Stalinists, but even so the American bourgeoisie cannot tolerate for too long mass opposition to its policy of aggressive war.

Furthermore, recent months have seen a powerful upsurge of the organised workers of the USA.

The most recent example of this was the magnificent airline machinists' strike; which demonstrated for all to see that when the American working class moves, it has the power to shake the world.

An especially important feature of this strike was the workers' defeat of Johnson's ill-fated attempt to intervene through the capitalist state machine.

Faced with mounting economic difficulties, the US capitalists had introduced a 3.2 per cent. a year 'guideline' for wages and prices increases.

WON 8 p.c. RISE Despite this, the militancy of the strikers forced Johnson to recommend an increase of over 4 per cent. as a 'settlement' of the dispute. This 'settlement', however, was rejected overwhelmingly by a ballot of the machinists, and eventually they won an 8 per cent. increase.

same time as US imperialism is faced with a grave challenge at home, the ignominous collapse of its military plans in Vietnam during the last dry season-the most favourable time of the year militarily for the US-has forced it to prepare an even bigger intervention.

During the months from October 1965 to May 1966, the US's aim in South Vietnam was threefold.

The , troops in 'Zone One' (Da Nang, Phu Bai, Chu Lai) were to connect their three small coastal enclaves, and then drive inland.

Those in 'Zone Two' had to clear the Qui Nhon-AnkhePleikon road, and those in "Zone Three' to defend Saigon.

The National Liberation Front, however, attacked Da Nang, Chu Lai, and Ankhe, destroying many US planes.

The tirst phase of their plar having collapsed by the end of 1965, the US launched a new offensive in January. A series of operations designed to 'encircle the Vietcong' were launched.

US Commander General Westmoreland was therefore forced to try a new attack in April.

He announced a 'continuing drive to cripple the expected monsoon offensive by the communists' by blanket bombingby B.52s from Guam, an American colony-of large jungle possible to bomb or shell trees successfully, and in May the National Liberation Front forces inflicted further casualties on the Ist Airmobile Division at Ankhe, and attacked near Hue and Da Nang.

DEFEATS SUFFERED In June, they launched a major offensive north of Kontum, in the northern highlands.

Since then, the US imperialists have suffered further defeats: the conscript soldiers of the South Vietnamese puppet army continue to desert or go over to the NLF at a considerable rate, forcing Ky's regime to introduce draconian measures promising terrible reprisals upon deserters.

At the same time as the US offensive in South Vietnam failed, the air war against North Vietnam, despite its enromous scale, and the paucity of Soviet and Chinese aid, did not achieve the desired results.

On the contrary, it merely increased the determination of the workers and peasants of the North to resist.

Bridges, railways, etc., were repaired in record time, so that transport could keep moving.

Factories were dispersed throughout the country to eliminate concentrated targets for the bombers. •Simultaneously, workers struggled even harder to keep the industries going, and not only prevented the reorganisation from disrupting production, but actuallv increased their output!

Workers and peasants throughout the country kept weapons handy and prepared to man the anti-aircraft guns with such success that, according to the latest figures, 1,428 US planes have been shot down, and countless attacks have been disrupted.

While in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam workers and peasants have increased their resistance to the US bombers and the NLF has won many victories in the South, in the small areas still controlled by the Saigon puppet regime the workers have ›een fighting to preserve thei living standards in the face of tremendous tramper one US interventiond to militant shock strikes in sue, impeded po sets an tape it one COSTS RISE Vietnam and seas and donationseught over to ls It seems, therefore, that events are moving to a climax in Vietnam. The US, thwarted at every turn, has been forced increase its intervention in Vietnam at a time when it is facing growing difficulties at home, and the international economic crisis is deepening.

NLF VICTORIES

The American workers are most unlikely to accept increased burdens that their bosses and Johnson will try to impose for the sake of the war.

The NLF has won new victories, and has increased its support in the countryside by carrying through the distribution of land to the peasants (about which it was initially rather hesitant).

Recently, preparations have been made by the NLF for a land and sea blockade of Saigon.

Combined with an uprising of the city's workers this could blow the Ky regime and its imperialist masters sky high.

Of course, the Vietnamese revolution still faces grave dangers.

In 1954, the Soviet bureaucracy backed by China, was able to transform the historic victory of Dien Bien Phu into the defeat of the Geneva Agreements. It may, with its agents throughout the world labour movement, be able to inflict another temporary setback on the workers and peasants of Vietnam through another diplomatic conspiracy.

But the heroism and devotion of the Vietnamese people and solidarity of the international working class will make this very difficult.

Without doubt, despite all its enemies and dubious allies, despite any temporary or partial defeats, the Vietnamese Revolution will triumph!

ruling class.

right-wing Republicans in Spain.

national.

le feelings of tinual cries of "Liberty, Liberty, Liberty" mingled with the traditionaust slogans (not aisciosed here, giving a new character to the demonstration'.

Neither is the army (the officers of course) neglected.

Here, too, the scalinists find new allies.

'Among the officers the idea is growing that the role of the military is to detend the frontiers against toreign enemies and not to act as the poucemen of their own people, the role they have been compelled to play by Franco.' ' (Emphasis aadea.)

Thus the statement presents the ludicrous picture of a tascist aictatorship without support from statement on the 'National Strike'.

Sink Differences The statement ends with an appeal for all those forces which fought on opposite sides in the civil war to sink past differences, and to arrange a meeting 'which could take place at a town in Europe' (why not Moscow, home of 'peaceful co-existence'?) where yesterday's mistaken enemies could chat over their problems 'without taking into account their attitude during the war or towards the war, or whether they were in Spain or in exile'.

Naturally enough, the Stalinists modestly step forward as the organisers of such a get-together. Standard Triumph, 3,000 at the Jaguar plant, with Rootes threatening to sack as many 500 at its Scottish plants, where 3,000 are already on short time.

Vauxhalls have now announced short-time and say they make no firm promises about further job prospects this winter, and Ford, other large car maker, is certain to be affected by the crisis in the near future.

The background to these sackings is, of course, the enormous slump in car sales resulting from interest rate policy of the Labour government.

As a result of successive bouts of deflation, the deposit on a car has been raised to 40 per cent and the period of repayment cut to 24 months.

SALES DOWN Sales of new cars on hire purnearly cent fall in August this year, compared with the same month last year, with purchases second-hand cars down by about 25 per cent.

The severe restriction of bank credit has also meant that the dealers are unable to carry large stocks of cars and are reducing their orders from the manufacturers as rapidly as possible.

Figures issued week by the British Bankers' Association show a f92 million fall in bank credit over the last three months compared to the previous quarter. which brings to an end what has been an almost continuous expansion of bank loans over the last two years.

The impact of the crisis cannot be confined to motors alone.

This industry stands at the centre of whole complex of other trades depend directly upon it for their prosperity and survival.

Steel, rubber, glass paint, electrical suppliers and others will be hit in the immediate future - Dunlop has already announced cut-backs.

Joseph Lucas, Hardy Spicer, Wilmot Breeden Automotive Products, Guest Keen Forgings and Castings, Triplex Safety Glass and others/ have also given Harsh result of worst money CriSis PETER SERIES warnings about redundancies or short-time working.

The steel industry will be very hard hit.

Figures announced two weeks ago by the Iron and Steel Board show that a rapid run-down in stocks of steel is taking place over a large range of industry.

Richard Thomas and Baldwin, John Summers (employing 13,000 at Connah's Quay in North Wales and producing a third of the sheet metal for cars) and the Steel Company of Wales will suffer a severe reduction in orders as a result of the motor crisis.

Stocks of steel tell by 41,000 ons in the second quarter of the year, with a 75 per cent decline in the production of ingots and castings in August compared with the same month in 1965.

It is now estimated that the industrv is working at onlv a little over 75 per cent capacity. falling markets, in anticipation of Demand for steel has fallen con- a quick up-turn in the industry. siderably on the part of motor car manufacturers and from the building trade. - This was before BMC is sacking a large proporthe …BMC announcements were tion of its labour force because made. it knows that the present crisis In dealing with the motor in- is here to stay. dustry, we are not speaking of one of the 'backward' sectors of British capitalism.

On the contrary, this has been tries of the mee 'growth indusof the economy, one where, in the cliché of the Prime Minister, 'science and techonology' have been applied to the full.

RECESSIONS The fact that it is now one of the first and hardest hit by Wilson's severe deflation gives an indication of the depth of the crisis.

The trade, of course, suffered major recessions in 1956 and and again in 1961. ... But this is no ordinary recession.

In 1961, for example, the employers were willing to retain mucn OI Inelt labour, utspilt mirah thain laharr dacnita Now this policy is at an end.

This is Why Ray Gunter, Minister of Labour, attacked work-sharing and short-time working as a remedy for the crisis.

Labour leaders and the City bankers are insisting on permanent sackings to raise the level of unemployment and force wages down. BMC obviously hopes to regain its lost production with a much smaller labour force.

The motor industry is, in fact, dominated by a handful of rich and powerful monopolists. The four largest firms have a total capital of over £500 million, which last year made over £80 million in profits.

These four companies alone employ over a quarter oi a million workers.

Owners of these motor giants made over £300 from each of these workers during the last financial year.

Together they have an export turnover of £500 million.

Despite its apparent wealth and power the British motor industry is onding it more and more difficult to compete in the fiercely competitive markets of the world. Ford and Vauxhall are in any case wholly US owned and Rootes, the fifth largest concern, is increasingly dominated by US capital in the form of the Chrysler Corporation.

Car production has been slippproducer, has a capital of over £400 million (about twice the size of Ford in Britain) and even Fiat has a larger capital employed than any of the British urms. Both these firms are, of course, small at the side of their US rivals.

The present policies of deflation will make the British car industry even less able to compete.

By cutting back production, costs will rise and export orders Will be even more difficult to win.

COSTS UP

Sir Patrick Hennessey, President of the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders, summed this up when he said, speaking of the BMC cut-back:

If we are not working capacity our costs go up rapidly the export market, competitive in and we are less In other words, far from dealing with the accumulated problems of British capitalism, the policies of the Labour government intensify that crisis.

To save the pound, on which a section of the capitalist class relies for its income, and which Johnson and the US authorities insist is kept at its present value, Wilson is forced to carry through policies which bring •stagnation to key sectors of British capitalism and further weaken its ability to compete in the world.

These policies flow, not from the 'mismanagement' or "stupidity" of Wilson and the Cabinet, but from the deep contradictions of British and world capitalism.

One thing is certain: the growing crisis in the motor and other industries will lead to increased attacks on the working class as the employers drive for faster and more ruthless methods of production.

Only a political fight inside the trade union movement for nationalization of these giant firms, and the construction of a leadership to carry through this fight to the end, can now meet the needs of car workers and of the working class as a whole.

BRANCH OFFICERS and stewards of the metal, engineering and chemical group the north west London Transport and General Workers' Union branches met last Sunday to discuss the serious drop in membership over the last year.

The London district secretary of the group stressed the serious. ness of the decline in view of the growing economic recession, and reported a number of experiences where whole branches had collapsed and recruiting campaigns failed.

The convenor of a large engineering factory commented on the number of workers in other unions who wanted to join the T&GWU because of its apparent opposition to the Prices and Incomes Act.

But when the role of the Wilson government was raised in discussion-how it had taken measures intent on breaking the organised strength of the working class-the district secretars replied that Wilson had no such intentions. In any case, he added, the economic crisis was exaggerated. He agreed with another delegate that workers 'are having it too easy'.

Despite a number of protests, the chairman joined in and said that such a discussion was irrelemembership question of declining vant to the 'Natural drift' The speaker said that the closure of factories in the area was part of a natural drift to other districts about which nobody could do anything.

When challenged on the closure of the ENV engineering factory, the chairman insisted the discussion revolve around organisational details on recruiting and various disputes with the Amalgamated Engineering Union over 'poaching' members.

The so-called T&GWU opposition' to the Prices and Incomes Bill and government measures was clearly exposed by the attitude of this union's officials to action, especially when one referred to the October 2 demonstration outside the Labour Party conference as 'goose-stepping politics.

But only by following the lead of the Young Socialists and the Socialist Labour League in their opposition to the betrayals of the Wilson government will :the T&GWU and other unions stop their active membership declining.

Registered at the G.P.O. as a newspaper "The Newsletter. s.W.4 Printed wing policies of the Labour leaders.

Duncairn Labour Party, which has always been known as a 'left' Party, decided not to fight the seat, even though the other two organisations said they would.

No vote The reason given by the 'lefts' was that they could not ask the working class to vote for Labour while Harold Wilson was preparing to jail trade unionists.

In other words, they intended to abandon the working class and leave it leaderless and defenceless while the extreme right fought for control.

But the only way forward for the Northern Ireland 'Common Market' and the Anglo-Irish Trade Pact, both of which will allow British and international big business into Ireland, pushing Irish small business to the wall and eliminating large sections of the middle class.

Of course, there will be the usual 'no surrender' of the constitutional position of Northern Ireland and the 'Remember 1690' policy by both Unionist Protestant Unionist parties.

There must now be an all-out fight by the labour movement • in Northern Ireland against these reactionaries through struggling with the Young Socialists and Socialist Labour League for the establishment of a strong labour movement to take the power.

sm' and 6d newspapers.

In reply to a question put by a rank-and-file worker:

"What is meant by fighting redundancy to the full?', Etheridge replied: Jou are prepared to go as far as George Evans, organiser of the National Union of Vehicle Builders, appealed to BMC chairman Sir George Harriman to suspend the time-table of short-time and sackings while union leaders and the Minister of Labour got together to discuss the crisis. He declared:

If we want industrial peace and want to have it done constitutionally, BMC has a part to play."

The comment of one worker present was: Listen to them! They are just lying down and letting it happen too us.' scipline' in

NEXT WEDNESDAY (October 5) an important by election will take place for a vacant seat on the Belfast City Council in the Duncairn Ward.

The seat, which has always been held by the Unionist (Conservative) Party, was once held by Lord Carson, Northern Ireland's frst Prime Minister, _and is regarded as a safe Unionist seat. This time it will be contested by the Labour Party, Unionist Party and Paisley's Protestant Unionist Party, with Paisley's wife as a candidate.

The decision by the Labour Party to fight this seat has brought to the surface the opportunist nature of the right wing. It has also exposed the middle-of-the-road policies of the centrists and fake lefts' for their lack of class consciousness and their inability to fight the right"Hooliganism' and discipline' in the USSR om page 2 fight against crime and other breaches of law and order could not only retard their liquidation, but at times even lead to a temporary growth of their numbers.' And again:

"Mistaken is he who considers that under conditions of socialist democracy, the need for regulating the conduct of people by firm rules and norms falls away!

So now, far from having conious and voluntary discipline, cording to Lenin, this disciine has to be forced upon the ople by a strong State.

"The higher the State rises above the people ana the more fiercely it opposes itself as guardian of property to the people as its squanderers,' Trotsky wrote, "the more obvious does it testify against the socialist character of the State property' Finally, one item from 'Pravda' (September 18), which apparently may have no connection with the theme of this article, but must be mentioned, because, of course, it has to do with it very much.

This was a cable from the Tass correspondent in Pyongyang, capital of North Korea, containing what appears to be a summary of an article on Trotskyism, which had appeared in the North Korean newspaper Nordon Sinmun' Monitor, 'The Times' correspondent in Moscow (September 19), described the article l as a 'thinly veiled Korean attack on China'. • This Kremlinologist's explanation seems to be too clever by halt when one reads the body of the article (or its summary):

The 'Pravda' article begins:

"The newspaper "Nordon All through the week reports were piling up of short-time and threatened sackings at factories in the Midlands. Many of these were plants manufacturing components and fitments Triplex Lucas, and BXL Plastic Newsletter Correspondent working class is by building a strong labour movement based on socialist policies to defeat the right wing and extreme right.

By their action, the 'lefts" allowed the party executive to step in and nominate a right winger to fight the seat.

The executive will be fighting •the seat not on class issues of a struggle against reaction and neo-fascism, but as just a chance to gain a seat on a split Tory vote.

Reactionary Mrs. Paisley will be canvassing on an anti-O'Neill basis. This does not mean, of course, a more liberal Tory policy, but a more reactionary one appealing to disoriented sections of the middle class and backward tendencies in the working class.

This will be done also on the basis of opposition to the Sinmun" has published an article about Trotskyism. In it, it is stated that the main initial point and basic position and line of Trotsky's "left"

opportunism is the theory of "permanent revolution". • Trotskyism is also an anti-revolutionary theory denying the possibility of the victory of the socialist revolution and the building of socialism in one country alone.' 'Strata of poor' No Chinese Stalinist could possibly be accused of that, either in North Korea, where Chinese publications circulate freely, or even in the Soviet Union, where they don't any more.

"The Trotskyists have asserted that, under socialism, the improvement of the material and cultural conditions of the people will, supposedly, call forth the decay and degeneration of society and thus the danger of a capitalist restoration will be created. Influenced by such ideas, there had appeared at one time in the Soviet Union the incorrect tendency, which in essence lec to the idea that without a strata of the poor, neither the Bolshevik cause, nor socialism, were possible and that it was necessary to strive for the preservation of the strata of the ism, since, allegedly, socialand the improvement of the standard of life are two phenomena which contradict one another.

'Slandering the Soviet socialist society... Trotsky asserted that under socialism, just as under capitalism, there takes place class divisions, a relationship between rulers and subjects must rise again... Materials, all in Birmingham.

It was disclosed at the Longbridge meeting that the number of jobs available as alternative employment for redundant car workers was in fact small.

In spite of government talk about redeploying workers into key export industries, the only feld where apparently there were plenty of vacancies were service industries, such as public transport.

For sacked car workers to take bus drivers' and conductors' jobs would mean a drastic cut in their earnings.

In an atmosphere of what appeared to be almost feverish activity, car workers in fact received no clear-cut lead from union officials and leading shop stewards.

Dick Etheridge, BMC combine committee chairman and works' convenor at Longbridge utmost called at the mass meeting resistance to redundancy.

But his proposals for 'utmost resistance' went no further than pressing for work-sharing instead of redundancy, and a decision to take 600 workers to Brighton on a special train, to 'bring pressure' on the Labour Party Conference.

Etheridge stressed that he was not proposing the lobby 'in the attacking the Labour Party', since if Labour was 'got out' workers would suffer worse under the alternative.

Image

Etheridge, a prominent member of the Communist Party, devoted much energy to lambasting blackening the "image' of car-workers by suggesting that they were 'greedy layabouts. stras tacte didention ho ari distract the attention workers present. They were more interested in action to save their jobs than their image in the Tory 'The author writes that the Trotskyists came out categorically against the combination of methods of violence with non-violent methods in the revolutionary struggle, forms of legal with illegal struggle, insisting only upon "attack" and reckless revolt.

"The national - liberation struggle in the colonies is composed of parts of the world proletarian revolution and of important sections of the anti-imperialist revolutionary forces.

However, Trotsky did not want to see the important role and place of the national-liberation struggle in the colonies and regarded it with contempt.' Enough has been quoted here to give the reader an idea of the sort of distortions of our views the Stalinist now use.

It is a far cry from the fascist mad dogs' of the past. Altered times require a different technique in this reviving struggle against Trotskyism.

For apolotical people there 1s the jail dished out by the Ministry of Public Order.

For thinking workers, like the one who wrote to Pravda', there is the • distortion, just in case they might begin to think and ask questions about Trotsky-or have they already began to ask, with Pravda' only keeping this concealed?

New interest The logic of Soviet development is such that a revived interest in Trotsky cannot be suppressed for ever.

For once the workers begin to distinguish between the "Marxism' of the Stalinists and real Marxism, they MUST arrive at Trotskyism.

By Newsletter Reporter ON SUNDAY the Birmingham Communist Party called a meeting of workers to discuss the crisis. Here left-sounding phrases and militant speeches were the order of the day, but still no call to action from Etheridge, Arthur Harper (convenor at Tractor and Transmissions plant) or Peter Nicholas (of the Rover factory, Tyseley), who sat on the platform.

Etheridge declared that there would be 'unemployment in this district the like of which we have never seen'.

He was asked by a worker from Fisher and Ludlow's factory:

'When is a statement going to be given to the press that some action is going to be taken? It is all very well to talk about these things: when is something positive going to be done?' In reply Etheridge said:

"The leaders will act as pressure is put on them trom the workers.' Etheridge challenged He was challenged by a Young Socialist about his plea to car workers that 'any action taken should be devised not to embarrass the Labour government.' The Young Socialist demanded:

'What preparation do you think this is for workers about to be involved in a political against the government? Struggle Etheridge replied that the policy of the leaders of the Labour Party had got to be changed 'because they'll destroy you if you don't.' Predictably he made no suggestion that workers, in order to avoid destruction, would need to change the leadership of the Labour Party, together with some other 'leaderships' in the labour movement.

This sort of leadership from behind is disastrous in the present situation. The 'Morning Star' carried a triumphant headline: 'Austin Battle Cry. But what sort of battle cry is it to urge your forces not to 'embarrass' the enemy when the fight is about to begin?

CONVENOR SUSPENDED AT CONVENOR at the Lucas factory in Liverpool, Mr.

Ernest Johnson, a member of the Amalgamated Engineering Union national committee and district committee, has been suspended from work on minimum pay. This followed a visit by him to the CAV factory on the same site to advise on a dispute.

The Lucas-CAV factories have identical rates of pay and For if Leninism, according to Stalin's famous definition, is the Marxism of the epoch of imperialism, then Trotskyism can be defined as the Marxism of the epoch of the degeneration of the workers' state and the Communist movement-that is to say, the Marxism of our own times.

We do not really mind if they so grossly distort our views, for we know that the North Korean workers, and particularly the Soviet workers, no longer takeif they ever did-as gospel truth anything their press tells them. There will be many a reader who will keep an open mind about whether the Trotskyist idea about not being able to build socialism in one country alone does not make sense, after all.

As for the gross distortions about two classes under socialism, the need to preserve the poor, etc. thinking workers will have their reservations. One thing Soviet Union short of in the is salt-to take a large pinch with such distortions.

Our only fear-and many a Trotskyist has been awakened at night in a cold sweat by this nightmare-is that the bureaucracy, wishing to court popularity among the workers, might one day declare themselves to be the real Trotskyists.

Then, indeed, our name would become mud. • I only hope that no Stalinist bureaucrat reads these lines-as, of course, no well brought up bureaucrat ought to-and get this idea about the way really to discredit us.

But so long as they attack us, distort our views so that they sound absurd, we shall be safe and will increasingly gain more workers to our cause. LUCAS conditions and many departments, such as personnel, cover both firms. But union organisation has been kept separated.

On Thursday (September 22) a dispute broke out on the morning shift at CAV when a clerk was : told to go home and return for the later shift. The clerks had recently cut their overtime from 30 hours to 10 hours after the management had refused to pay them merit money.

Both the CAV convenor and deputy convenor were not on the morning shift, so Johnson was called in from the Lucas factory to advise on what action should be taken.

He was ordered out of the CAV factory while discussing with a foreman.

Half an hour later he was told by a representative of the Lucas management that he would be given a week's pay in lieu of notice and would finish work the same day.

A lunchtime meeting of about 350 workers from both factories voted to strike until Johnson was reinstated.

The afternoon shift endorsed this action.

This Monday a union organiser met the management who agreed to suspend Johnson until the case was fully discussed.

The shop stewards met and at a lunchtime meeting of workers, their motion to stay out on strike was narrowly defeated. COLLIERY MINERS attempt at intimidation, many clame NCB, in line with government policy and the wishes of the cant trade unioniso smash miliNUM leaders must be hel responsible for this victimisatior of the Cambrian men.

At the recent coalfield col ference, the_area officials (bot Commun and right-wing • Cambrian lodge open present attacks. to the light ersist committed ment, nore and be ale and pit This is wholly possible, an necessary ELECTION RESULTS Last week, the result of the elections for President of the South Wales NUM were published.

though the right-wing forme vice president Glyn Williams won the election, he polled only 21.000 out of the 52,000 votes cast.

The rest of the votes were divided between three candidates all of whom oppose the official policies of the NUM. Communist Party ember of the This is the first time for has held the South Wales presidency. But the CP has not opposed Glyn Williams. backing, This received only stood, votes. indicates low opinion which miners have of the Glyn Williams only won the Presidency because the opposition was not united and had no clear political programme to unite on. When an alternative appears, the presen leadership will loomed

FROM OUR CARDIFF CORRESPONDENT National Coal Board was me 2ng an eat te of us, to it the MINERS AT THE CAMBRIAN colliery (Rhondda Valley), date other miners who might take militant action against future pit closures.

YS gain union support lor October 2 .CTON AMALGAMATED ENHINEERING UNION No. ranch passed the following resoition this week:

"The branch expresses deep concern of the threat of unemployment. (i.e. ENV's) encouraged by the Wilson government's incomes policy to smash the trade unions.

'We will not let this matter rest at the mercy of the employers and the government.

Therefore, support the call by the Young Socialists to demonstrate against these ineasures on October 2, on the eve of the Labour Party conference, and send a delegate with fare paid.

The motion was passed after much hesitation. The chairman, a Communist Party member who works at the ENV engineering factory in Willesden, north London, proposed that the words 'the call by the Young Socialists' and smash the trade unions' be omitted.

The reasons he gave were that the Young Socialists could not possibly be organising the demonstration because workers were going from BMC, and that the second phrase was too harsh on Wilson. It was just a question of opposing unemployment not Wilson, because the main people responsible for the government's measures were the Wall Street bankers.

He said that the branch should not worry too much about sending a delegate to the Brighton demonstration because workers in other factories would take care of that.

The Cambrian men returned to work last week after a special conference of the South Wales area of the National Union of Mineworkers had failed to endorse their strike action (see last two issues of The News. letter).

They demanded, however, that heir transfers to other pits must be arranged through their union lodge, and that men must be transferred to equivalent jobs.

The National Coal Board has refused to discuss the men's terms.

Instead it has attacked them on three points.

Firstly, those miners who, having lost confidence in the future of the South Wales coalfield, and want to transfer to English pits inder the NCB's 'pick your pit scheme, have been told that there is a 'freeze' on recruitment out of the South Wales area.

Secondly, many miners indicated a wish to transfer to the Western colliery in the neighbouring Ogmore Valley. They were told there is a 'freeze' on recruitment into Western Colliery!—places there are being kept for men from pits which may close in the Afan Valley, says the NCB.

SHORTAGE

But the distance of the Afan Valley from Western colliery is several times more than the distance from the Tonypandy area, where most of the Cambrian miners live.

Furthermore, the secretary of Western colliery lodge, Emlyn Hughes, has said that over-age, day-wage men, who should be working in other parts of the pit, are being kept on the coal face at Western because . of the shortage of men there.

Thirdly, the NCB has refused to co-operate with the Cambrian lode cave the questiorking men mechanised faces at Cambrian.

that it should be free This is a clear 1s empty ring concern may be experienced in respect of some facets of policy or turn of events, it is nevertheless incumbent upon every Labour MP to support and give absolute loyalty to the Prime Minister and his government... which is displaying courage leadership and tolerance in the most difficult circumstances experienced by this country since 1945.

While in the Entertainments Centre, Her Majesty's Ministers will be fighting to whip the delegates into line behind their betrayals, the workers who elected them face a different kind of struggle-against sackings, cuts in earnings, and attacks on trade unionism.

In these battles, the "lefts', whose principles are transcended by loyalty to those leaders they pretend to criticise, will be reJected with contempt.

forward such resolutions did anything to fight against the government while it was preparing to bring in the Act?

It was last year's conference in Blackpool that gave Wilson the go-ahead on wage legislation.

The "lefts', from Foot to Cousins, refused to prepare any resistance to the Labour leaders' betrayal.

They played a major part in selling Wilson to the rank and file as some kind of radical socialist.

Ihe right wing will tie up the Conference with appeals for unity. They only echo the words of the Mikardos and Dribergs of not so long ago.

As Hull City Labour Party sternly reminds these MPs:

"Whilst it is recognised genuine