RHODESIAN CRISIS Why they cannot work

THE THEORY behind United Nations sanctions is that the political aims of the majority of the members can be imposed on recalcitrant states by economic means in cases where their actions conflict with the Charter of that organisation.

The assumption is that no modern state can for long pursue a normal existence if its ties with the world market are cut, since inextricably bosed up wie international trade.

However, the harm done by sanctions cuts both ways. Countries which impose sanctions have to accept that their trade with the offending country will be cut off.

In the case of Rhodesia, as a British colony, its commercial and financial links with Britain are particlarly strong: Moreover, its geographical position makes its trade with the South African Republic, Zambia and the Portuguese colonies crucial for its economy. • To go from the partial sanctions already in existence for a year to mandatory sanctions imposed by the United Nations involves a number of new issues. Above all, of course, is whether other countries accept the political aims behind the government's call for sanctions. The answer obviously is no.

Portugal and South Africa do not accept these aims and Zambia cannot afford to cut off all economic ties with Rhodesia.

Sanctions without the support of these countries would, at most, be partial. To make them more effective would involve extending them to South Africa, Portugal and any other country which supported the Smith regime or insisted upon going on trading with it.

Wry smiles

The 'drama' of the Tiger meeting, the tension in the House of Commons and the great show of anger and 'sincerity' by Messrs. Wilson and Brown must have caused some wry smiles in foreign capitals. For a good part of the world the Rhodesian affair is a family quarrel between different sections of the British ruling class and is relegated to a minor corner of current interest.

In this way shrewd journalists and politicians indicate that they take the whole flare up, sanctions included, with a grain of salt. If Wilson was prepared to come to terms with the leader of a so-called illegal regime' representTHE DEVLIN COMMISSION proposals on the docks have now been accepted by the Transport and General Workers' Union. This should not come as any surprise to port workers.

This union, despite the 'left' cover of its general secretary, Frank Cousins, has always capitulated on the important questions concerning dockers. The Devlin Report is perhaps the most important issue that has ever faced rank-and-file port workers.

It hands them back to private employers. It proposes modernisation of the docks and the employment of a select labour force which will mean the sacking of older port workers and greater exploitation of the younger ones.

No wonder the employers are pleased about the position of the They could hardly contain their joy. As soon as Mr. Tim O'Leary mame diately oored men in they ing that it was 'a new deal'.

But it is nothing of the sort.

It is an old deal, an old capitalist deal.

The dockers are to have their conditions of employment and work completely changed, simply for a few shillings extra in pay. They will have to work harder in order that ing at most 200,000 out of four and a half million people the chances are that talk of mandatory sanctions is only resorted to as a prelude to further negotiations.

Outside Britain it is widely understood that the call for mandatory sanctions against an erring colony is a sign of weakness. The British economy is in no state to carry forward a policy of sanctions including South Africa, without which the squeeze which can be imposed on Rhodesia will be strictly limited.

Mandatory sanctions applied to Rhodesian exports without the participation of South Africa could have a slow build-up effect on some sections of the economy, notably tobacco and copper production.

Both these commodities can, of course, be stored or could even be paid for in advance of eventual delivery.

Substitutes

Home production has already turned out substitutes for some imports; others could simply be done without.

Vital petroleum products are certain to flow in from South Africa. Such imports as vehicles and machinery can, as the example of other countries under blockade shows, be made to last longer by increasing maintenance work.

As for Britain, if the sanctions policy is pursued, sales will be Jost which could worsen the balance of payments and weaken permanent loss of markets in sterling and perhaps lead to Southern Africa.

As for the four million Africans the main effect of sanctions on them will be to reduce the demand for their labour power if Rhodesian export industries have to slow down. The Smith regime will thus possibly have to face growing militancy from the African working class if the sanctions policy teally begins to bite.

A policy really aimed to bring down the Smith regime, and not to make a bargain with it, would not, of course, begin with economic sanctions or even with the air strikes spoken of in some quarters.

It would begin with the arming of the African people and regard majority rule as an immediate necessity.

It is clear, however, that Harold Wilson, and his lett critics, are opposed to these conclusions and cling to capitalist methods of sanctions as a saving formula for yet another betrayal.

Reject be invested in modernisation will be repaid with substantial interest. That is Devlin in a nutshell.

Now the fight shifts to the dock side and at this juncture Mr.

Jack Dash calls upon dockers to attend their union branch meetings. He is once again up to his old game of diverting the struggle of dock workers away from the real issues involved.

The dockers have already gone to their branch meetings and have been ignored by their representatives.

The fight is no longer going to be decided in the branches but by the strength of the men on the job.

Jack Dash and the Communist Party are up to their old tricks, just as they were during the seamen's strike.

They talk left and at the same time turn the attention of the dock workers in the wrong direction. Now that the T&GWU has spoken up and agreed with Devlin the only place the men can fight is on the quayside.

Rank-and-file, organisation has therefore to be immediately built up in every important port.

Unless the dock industry nationalized under workers' control the Devlin report cannot be considered. • There must be all-out opposition to any settler regime in line.

And, as in the Congo, UN intervention implies a take over by United States capital.

That is why the effects on the idea of retain protectaployers.

struggle on the docks would find plenty of response from other sections of the working class who are now facing unemployment, shorter working hours and speed up. The time has come to make a real and firm stand against Wilson.

is not only the docks which will be effected by such reorganisation; the railways are also to be reorganised along similar lines.

The employers are about to take advantage of the existence of unemployment by inaugurating the next stage of their offensive against the working class, which is speed up.

Where is Mr. Mikardo's Parliamentary Bill for the nationalization of the docks? Is not it time that the dockers and the working class forced these 'left' MPs to fight on their behalf?

Wilson is today the tool of the big capitalists and the port employers. Those MPs who say that they oppose him should пого take the lead in openly breaking from him in Parliament.

We say: Out with the Devlin Commission Report!

Nationalize the docks under workers' control withor it compensation to the present owners! Birmingham DEMONSTRATION Saturday, Dec. 17 Assemble 2.30 p.m. THE MINORI (near Lewis's) followed by a MEETING Two important lemonstrations tr tend this weeker against the wage freeze and unemployment DEMONSTRATION Saturday, Dec. 17 Assemble 2.30 p.m. MORDEN ST. followed by a CONFERENCE and DANCE