Some pages from miners' history How the miners' 1920 strike was betrayed

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the Young Socialists make their DURING the Cambrian Combine Strike of 19101911 (see Workers Press, October 12) the strike committee clashed with the leaders of the S Wales Miners' FederaAs a result of dissatisfaction with the Federation Officials an Unofficial Reform Committee was formed and published the famous pamphlet 'The Miners' Next Step'.

This pamphlet demanded minimum wage of 8s a day and a seven-hour day.

It called for 'complete independence of and hostility to all capitalist parties' and urged policy of 'open hostility' to the employers 'until we have extracted the whole of the employers' profits'.

More dissatisfaction developed over the low awards from Joint District Boards, set up by the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act 1912, and particularly over the bias towards the owners shown government's 'impartial' board chairmen.

In nearly every case these men fixed the minimum rate for daywage men at less than 5s. • Reactions to these low awards combined with political demands for nationalization of the mines and for the 'reversal of the Osborne Judgement (which illegalized the use of trade union funds for political purposes).

The Miners' Federation, which had affiliated tO the Labour Party in 1909, was by far the largest affiliated union, with the largest number of MPs.

The miners had been demanding nationalization of the mines since 1892 and had linked this with calls for the nationalization of the land and railways all without compensation. They also called for a five-day week.

It was around the five-day week issue that the two-thirds majority rule was introduced in 1913.

The Miners' Federation held la ballot on the question of adopt• ing a campaign lor a five-day working week. A majority of 44,000 were in favour, but the executive decided take no action.

Instead, under executive advice, a special conference carried the following resolution:

'That before a national strike is entered upon as the result of ball vie of the menees shall with standard rate of wages.

Central to this was the demand for a minimum wage of 5s a day for all adult surface At this time (March 1915) all the main trade unions, with the exception of the miners and agreed to suspend IOr duration of the war.

The Munitions of War Act was also passed introducing industrial conscription and prohibiting strikes. An area could be 'proclaimed' under the Act and workers going , on strike there could be fined.

When the S Wales miners, payment of afternoon and night shifts at a turn and one-fifth for each turn worked, S Wales was 'proclaimed'. However 200,000 S Wales miners struck work.

After five days the government conceded the miners' most important points. The miners had won, despite their leaders' hesitation.

Building on this, the S Wales miners met every demand for a wage cut by the employers with a demand for wage increases. In 1916 two main wage claims (for 20 per cent increases) were met in full.

It was this that led to the government taking control of the mines during the war, not to run the pits in the interests of the people in wartime, but to make it easier for the government to handle the militant miners.

The coal-owners, in fact, were guaranteed their profits by the government.

As the war progressed, warweariness grew. In 1916 there was strong support throughout the British working class for the Irish Easter Rising and a revulsion of feeling against its brutal repression by British imperialism.

Even more shattering than this, however, was the eftect of the Russian Revolution of 1917. Opposition to the war grew, there was talk of British soviets, and the workers became even more determined not to allow the employers to use the 'wareffort' as a way of getting quick profits.

In 1918 the MFGB demanded a Is 6d rise per day. The government offered 6d a day, but hastily climbed down when a strike was threatened, and. granted the claim in full.

SUNDAY, FEBRUAR By JACK GALE The most important result of this industrial militancy, which was not confined to the mines, was the growth of the most powerful trade union force yet seen in Britain-the Triple Alliance of miners, transport workers and railwaymen.

The membership alone was formidable: the miners had 800,000 members, the railwaymen 270,000 and the Transport Workers 250,000.

The purpose of the Alliance was that each section should take sympathetic action, should any one of them be under attack.

But, right trom the beginning, long before, 'Black Friday, the Triple Alliance leaders were intimidated by its strength and strove to turn it into a means of restraining the workers rather than of advancing their cause.

Robert Smillie, the miners' leader, declared:

'Sympathetic action is no longer to be left to the uncontrolled emotions of a strike period, but is to be the calculated result of mature consideration and careful planning.' And rule six of the Triple Alliance read:

'Simultaneously with these arrangements tor united, action between the three organizations in question every effort shall proceed among the three sections to create effective and complete control of their respective bodies.' At the beginning of 1919, the Miners' Federation put forward a demand for a wage increasé of 30 per cent on total earnings, reduction the working day from eight to six hours, and nationalization of the mining The government's reply was an offer of is an hour and a Commission of Inquiry. A special conference of the miners rejected this and decided to take a ballot on strike action, strongly urging their members to vote in favour of a stoppage.

During the ballot, the government placed advertisements all the main papers urging miners to defy their conference decision.

Despite this, the result of the ballot was massively in favour of strike by 615,164 votes 105,082. The miners' executive, however, ignored this vote, postponed the strike notices and decided to participate in the government Commission Inquiry.

This was the famous Sankey Commission. Thus began one of the biggest acts of deceit and treachery ever perpetrated against the miners.

During the Commission's proceedings, evidence came to light of the massive profits wrung from the miners' low wages durmillion over four years) and also of the high rate of inefficiency in the industry.

As a result,. the majority report came out in favour of the miners' 30 per cent claim, in Young Socialists and All Trades Unions Alliance GREAT NATIONAL RALLY AGAINST TORYISM ATE favour of the six-hour day in favour of nationalization.

The report signed by the chairman and three other members (the Sankey Report) recommended a six-hour day by 1921, a wage increase of 2s per shift, and the continuation of State control of the mines.

Even the report signed by the coal- owners representatives conceded the seven-hour day and a rise of ls 6d per day.

The government announced that it accepted the Shankey Report 'in spirit and in letter'. The miners held yet another ballot which accepted the leadership's recommendation to accept the government's statement. They clearly believed that the government was pledged to end private ownership in the mines, and it was on this basis that the strike did not take place.

The miners' leaders, however, launched no agitation for nationalization, simply placing their faith in the government's word.

This contrasted sharply with the actions of the employers who mobilized their parliamentary and businessmen's lobbies against the Sankey proposals.

Needless to say, the government went back on word and rejected nationalization.

What, then, had the role of the leadership been? They had called off the strike notices and persuaded the miners to accept the Royal Commission.

They had then persuaded the miners to accept the Commission chairman's report even though it was not the majority report and it fell short of the miners' demands.

They had stood by and done nothing while the mine-owners launched a vigorous anti-Sankey campaign and finally, when the government blatantly broke its word, the leaders again avoided strike action and referred the matter to the TUC.

Prime Minister A vote at the Miners' Federation Conference in March 1920 was in favour of strike action for nationalization but at a special conference of the TUC, called to discuss the question, strike action was rejected.

The miners, however, were in an angry mood and their leaders were forced to submit a double demand for a lowering of coal prices and a rise in wages, both to come out of the coal-owners' profits.

REPRESSION

The government rejected the demand and again the miners went to ballot. Once again they voted with a large majority for strike action.

It was this strike which led the government to introduce the 1920 Emergency Powers Act for strike repression.

Delegate conferences of the NUR and the Transport Workers' Federation held in September declared the miners' claim to be just and resolved to abide by the decision of the Triple Alliance meeting.

The Triple Alliance leaders, however, were hesitant and decided to send a deputation to the government ance of the miners urge accept The miners agreed to join this deputation, but the government could not be moved.

Robert Smillie's plea to the miners to accept arbitration and withdraw the strike notices was rejected.

Chairman of Transport Workers' Federation HARRY GOSLING.

This was reported to the Triple Alliance whose leaders, especially. Ernest Bevin, were antagonistic to the miners for refusing arbitration.

Already the Triple Alliance leaders were showing their true colours. The NUR delegates to the Triple Alliance, under the leadership of J. H. Thomas, announced that they were against strike action.

Harry Gosling, chairman of the Transport Workers' Federation, supported Thomas.

On Friday, September 24, the Triple Alliance Conference was informed by miners leader Smillie that after meeting the Prime Minister, the miners' executive was recommending that strike notices be suspended for a £13 for 12 months (312 issues)

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Or Full subscription Name Address The leaders were doing everything they could to prevent a strike. Ballot papers were flying around like confetti. Although the miners had already voted overwhelmingly for strike action they were balloted yet again, on the appeal of Lloyd George, the Prime Minister.

Again the miners rejected the government's offer by well over three to one. Again a special conference voted for a strike to take place, this time from October 17.

Smillie attempted to disrupt this action by threatening to resign, withdrawing his threat only, after repeated appeals by the lefts on the executive.

So the miners went into battle under a leader who opposed their action publicly!

On October 20 the NUR delegate conference voted for strike action unless the miners' claims were granted.

This so shook the government that Lloyd George invited the miners' leaders to further discussion. Then the miners' executive threw away their own weapon. They hastened to accept Lloyd George's invitation and urged the NUR to postpone their strike action till further notice!

Lloyd George offered a temporary . settlement, which granted the miners their 2s, but tied it to output (what was called the Datum line).

With the strike two weeks old, yet a further ballot was held. This rejected Lloyd George's solution by a majority of over 8,000.

But the executive instructed the men to return to work. Despite the fact that united action with the railwaymen would clearly have won complete victory, the strike was over.

So the weakness and capitulation of the leaders of both the Miners' Federation and the Triple Alliance prepared the way the employers' counter-offensive. The seeds of Black Friday had been sown.

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