Corporatist plan by Jones
1970Stephen Johns Read the scan at ETOL (PDF) →Read from the scan by machine and not corrected: headlines and words can be misread, and a caption or advert can run into the text. For anything you quote, read the scan.
Philip at the occasion.
whiz-kid, Employment of industry. people's democracy' neering plant in the North.
scheme said Cattell. do about it.' Cattell.
TRANSPORT union leader Jack Jones echoed a strong call for corporatism in industry when he spoke with Mr George Cattell at a businessmen's teach-in on Monday.
PUBLICATIONS Apart from the lavish dinner at one of London's star hotels, apart from the performances of four tame workers and apart from a speech by HRH Prince involvement at work, organized by the Industrial Society, these two speeches were the real meat of the came from om Mr George Chutein, lis lengthy contribution was his plea for corporatism at all levels 'Let us recognize,' he said there are those in positions o power and influence who believe genuinely that it is unrealisti • talk of the involvement of th workers in industry unless of ntil capitalism is itself abolished nd we have what has bee escribed as a fully collectivize Vivid under his direction in an engivenor who led the men in the factory out on strike against it.
But after a 'short, sharp strike the new system was accepted,' rom this point Cattell devel ped a fully-fledged corporatis 'uneasy bedfellowsndustry were for social justice were overought manage d satisfaction improved,' sa in short, by adopting the rol hich the state has had to tak upon itself, of acting as a pressure group and a catalyst for reform and modernization, he added.
The same procedures, should, said Cattell, be developed on the shop floor.
He recounted his experiences in the car industry when he smashed a piece-work system at a large Midlands car plant, replacing it with a fiat rate of pay based on predetermined, synthetic work standards'.
But this in itself was not the final solution. A form of modern Slavery developed and workers had no interests beyond the measured tasks and hence the new system did not answer the need for "high-volume productivity'.
Hence the solution was to break down activity and involve managers and 'their people' in *joint enterprises which are meaningful to all of them'.
Restructure the work so that it is purposeful to workers that do it and restore control of methods and quality to 'the doers themselves' But again • the whole issue must be politically defused, said Cattell.
'So-called worker-control systems become a more attractive and practicable proposition when divorced from political doctrines. When allied to a common desire to create wealth without pursuing disruptive political motives.' What in essence is Cattell proposing?
He wants to end the independence of unions or organizations which extend the material welfare of the working class.
He wants to transform them into adjuncts of the state that act as progress chasers within Parallel to this he wants to see a hierarchy on the shop floor created within the ranks to discipline workers and to promote management schemes.
Cattell, in other words, turns at this time, when major confrontations between the working class the employers and the BY STEPHEN JOHNS The crisis can be solved only if the bureaucracy develops in the way outlined. Hence his anathema for politics in industrial relations.
His hopes must have surely soared when he heard the contribution to the conference from T&GWU general secretary Jack For Jones, despite blusters about the 'hell' of the foundries, etc., etc., is a potential recruit to the Cattell camp.
Industry, he said, should be seen as a series of self-governing communities, within which people increasingly assume the role of policy-making and controlling.
He gave examples of workerparticipation in the construction of agreements.
At ICI the old works councils have been transformed by shop stewards who had become members of them.
At Fords participation had gone a long way to providing industrial peace.
And on the docks— 'We have moved to a new system of payments, and to shift work without a strike on the issue because we have introduced the shop steward system, had a voluntary ballot and the men have stood by the agreement,' added referring notorious Devlin Phase Two deal.
Not at • stage did Jones suggest that the aspiration of workers for control of their industries was incompatible with capitalist modes of production.
Like Cattell, last analysis the leaders of Britain's largest trade union see the role of involvement by workers as a method of guaranteeing industrial peace.
Jones in fact was most explicit about his own philosophy:
'Different interests will exist. So what is envisaged is not collaboration •.. but confrontation. This confrontation would recognize the differences of interests, but also reflect certain objectives which can be mutually advantageous.
'If we in fact, recognize that there are two sides to industry, it becomes perfectly possible to hammer out agreements which injure neither but benefit both.' Beneath the subtle nuances of of their public utterances a philosophy of corporatism is developed. They meet at business lunches, conferences and seminars to learn and refine their their respective strategies. Stalinists still plug for all-European JUDGING FROM a recent television broadcast by Hungarian Deputy Foreign Minister, Frigyes Puja, the NATO and Warsaw Pact powers are drawing closer together on the question of a European Security Conference.
Puja told how, 'on October 30, and 31, 1969, the Foreign Ministers of the Warsaw Treaty States . . . worked out a proposed agenda for the conference: (1) Establishment of European Security . . . (2) Widening of commercial, economic and technical-scientific relations with a view to the development of political co-operation based on parity between the European states.
He then went on:
It came to light ... that the North Atlantic Alliance was not quite satisfied • • with the agenda proposed by the socialist states . • So what did the bureaucracy do?
"The Budapest meeting on June 21 and 22, 1970 . : . took account of this and worked out another agenda proposal.' This included the addition of a third item-the 'establishment of a body to deal with the problems of European security and co-operation'.
RESPONDED
So the Stalinists responded to the NATO criucisms by accepting their proposal for the creation of a permanent "law-andorder' force for all Europe! Comments Puja: police force •... the June proposal took into account some sensible suggestions [!] by capitalist countries such as the addition of .. a completely new point about the setting up of a body capable of dealing with various European security problems - one might say all such problems.' only be a counterrevolutionary police force for use against all European workers. afreed on common action, with the governments against whom could such a force act but the working class? There is no other threat to their The Stalinists are really anxious to get their conference going. Puja talks about the 'extreme flexibility' of the Warsaw Pact powers in the preparations for such a gathering.
(This flexibility does not, of course, apply to occupied Czechoslovakia, but to the imperialists.)
WARMING Small wonder that more and more member governments of NATO are warming to the plan -there is very little they have to lose:
'Their first statements' notes Puja, 'were in general not negative; a number of capitalist countries even saluted the constructive resolutions of the Budapest conference.' Moscow has already let it be known, ( through German Foreign Minister Scheel, that the Soviet government is no longer opposed to the Common Market, and that it will even accept its enlargement to ten members (the main addition being Britain).
This policy reversal is clearly linked to its campaign for the proposed Security Conference.
It will compel the Stalinist parties of W Europe to work even more closely with their own ruling classes.
They will become all-important political outposts in the workers' movement of any all-European police force created by NATO and Warsaw Pact powers.
Stalinism has already proved its willingness to collaborate with one such body-the United Nations—on a world scale, and it will not shrink from similar counter-revolutionary enterprises in Europe.
STRIKE-BREAKER It is making preparations to come out as an international strike-breaking force on behalf of the Common Market capitalist In return it will receive freer trade relations, worthless guarantees on 'non-aggression' and a free hand to deal with the workers of E Europe and the Soviet Union.