CLASS STRUGGLES
1969Martin ZarropAfrica Read the scan at ETOL (PDF) →Read from the scan by machine and not corrected: headlines and words can be misread, and a caption or advert can run into the text. For anything you quote, read the scan.
rise in circulation of the 'Guardian' from 12,000 in 1940 to 42,000 a week in 1943, and by a rise in membership of the Party from 400 in April 1941 to 1500 by December 1943 While the CP launched a 'Defend South cam. aign in 1942 (p.538), it sent Mofutsanyan, Maliba and Let gotha into elections under the anti-African Native Represen tation Act, which perpetuated the disfranchisement the Africans and set system Bantustan 'councils' for Africans and a system of 'Native Representation' Europeans parliament and Senate and provincial councils White Communist entered the field in the arliamenta -white) elections of 194 (p.538). to adopt a Top a Phanted RANS modelled Charter drawn up by Churchill and Roosevelt in August 1941.
Colin Steyn Minister Justice in me smite cover ment, became a vallu. of the Friends of the which thus received officia backing from the most racialstic regime in the worl he CP built up the Spring bok Legion which attracted 40,000 members and was a re cruiting body for Smuts' war Busy with recruiting for and backing the war, the CP be. came isolated from the anti-apartheid struggle.
During the war, which the CP supported, the government into laces mand inst colourlaws institutions against the Alricans against the Indians giourAct, etc) against Coloureds (the Coloured Affairs Department 1943, etc).
It was the New Era Fellowship in Cape Town. ever the admission of the Simons, which ToO: the initiative and the lead in the struggle agains the CAD, which former anti-CAD movement in Feb.
1943, which, turn combined with the AAC to anti-imperialist, Only Movement witn programi nothing less than full dem cratic rights and the method The cost bora-CAD (p.543).
conference represented '109 societies and groups (p.541).
In spite of this, the Simons book contains no real history of this importan movement, nor of the NEUM, no of the Teachers' League OT South Cape African Tine contrary Simons, true to the anti-Marx ist policy of collaboration the CPSA, condemned the DOVCOL On the Native Repre sentative Council and elecdrawar. (Like a strike?) TORS suraled of withThey defend the CP against the charg of Kies, an antiCAD spokesman that were the Quisizens and do least rs so-called radicals and socialists and communists who paid lip the non-throman, patione they rode into the council or parliament on his back, grew rich at his expense by organizing trade unions' (p. The Simons ignored the important te and the Cape African Teachers' Asso at the following times:
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Northern Ireland: 6.00-6.45 p.m. Scene After saying that the antiCAD 'initially followed the Marxist line' , the Simons accuse it, the AAC and NEUM of anti-whiteism, a false charge, as all statements of these organizations reveal.
They say, in true Stalinist fashion, that 'the main achievement of the anti-CAD was to immobilize a generation of Coloured intellectuals, immunize them against Marxist theory' (p.546).
They denounce non-collaboration, as put forward by 'synonym for inactivity p. 546), while upholding the collaborationist activity of being 'elected', in defiance of the NEUM boycott, as 'Native Representatives' to the Nazi parliament.
To cover up their essential collaborationism, the CP took up anti-pass and other struggles, but in isolation from the demand for full democratic Hertzog: Enacted the racial segregation laws in 1936.
It took up the struggle of Orlando squatters whose leader, Mpanza, with his cry 'Sofazonka' (we die together) aroused Colin Legum of the Labour Party to chair a committee and draft a manifesto which 'urged the government to deport Mpanza and expel squatters from Orlando township' (p.549).
But the Legums were only the erstwhile allies of the CP and the Party's criticism of them was not based on the abolition of the whole system of locations like Orlando and of Location Advisory Boards which the CPSA helped form.
The systematic failure of the book to deal with the full history of the Non-European Unity Movement ' and the patent hostility of the authors to this movement, which boycotted the election of sam Kahn, Bunting (junior), Carneson and Ray Alexander (co-author of the book) as European 'Native Representatives'. , make the remainder of the account of the CPSA almost worthless.
For the dominant political force, especially in the Cape Province, including the Transkei, was more and more the NEUM in this war-time and post-war period.
'Traitors to FOLLOWING THE AAC, the ANC in October 1946, at a conference of 500 delegates, voted for a motion by Kotane, achers' struggles organized by the ciation.
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No. September-October, This time the Simons do not talk of the boycott, which Kotane took over from the NEUM and the so-called Trotskyists, as a 'synonym for inactivity.
At the ANC annual conference in December the people called for a boycott (p. 580).
The Simons concede the enormous achievement of the NEUM in this single statement. The CP, on the other hand, though supporting the boycott in January 1947, did sc with "implied reservation' (p. 580).
The 'reservation' was simply that the CP would break the boycott when it chose. And it did so, against the decision of the African people, even according to the Simons.
The authors concede that in June 1947 the liberal Buchanan Strong boycott movement of a was 'elected in the teeth 581), but make the fact that this boycott, as well as that against Molteno and those against the CPSA quislings broke the boycott, was waged by the NonEuropean Unity Movement.
The authors regard it "lairy that the CP herrained from contesting the election' which Buchanan stood (p. 581).
Such is their inion othe 'loyalty' the African people !
They justify the CP breaking the boycott of what they themselves call 'a vicious piece of racial discrimination 582).
hey uphold the decision o he CPSA at its annual 194 conwork the Native January Representaference in tion racidiscrimination ice taking part in the fraudulent (Guardian:" Taduary 8, 1948.) elections under the In November 1948 the CP candidate Sam Kahn was elected, "in the teeth of the boycott', as the first Communist Party Native Representative. for otaise, himself apologized none other than the had Same this betrayal, for it was Moses Kotane who _…•eclared 'anyone who stands for sentative is a traitor to Africa NEUM sources, not quoted by the Simons).
Kaber 1953 Y followed ative CP Naive Repre 1954 by CP Representative Brian Bunting Native Representative Ray Alexander (Mrs H. J. Simons, co-author of 'Class and Colour in South Africa, 1850-1950').
The only possible conclusion to draw from the book as a nistory ot the Communist Party of South Africa is, indeed, that from its inception 1920. to its banning in the words seeretary: 1950, it was, and remains, in general, Moses traitor to Africa'.
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A Question Of Human the Wilson government does not stop the Springbok Rugby tour and arrests anti-tour demonstrators in large numbers, is because it represents a capitalist class which has deep and extensive investments and interests in South Africa.
These interests form the very foundation, the economic basis, of all the apartheid laws and the whole police state.
The Wilson government represents the real power behind apartheid, no less than any Tory government. • Whatever it says against apartheid, it does nothing about it for the simple reason that apartheid was largely a British capitalist creation and is supported by British capital, in whose interests it functions all the time.
Without British and other imperialist capital in South Africa there would not be apartheid.
Since the Wilson government is fundamentally an imperialist government, it is natural for it to uphold apartheid in practice.
For apartheid is the cement of British capitalism in South This capital has its main weight in Africa concentrated overwelmingly in South Africa.
Many books can and indeed should be written about this. Apart from a few countries, some of the heaviest British SCIENTIFIC WORLD The origins of le THE PROBLEM of the origin of life is apparently very easily stated; at one time there existed nothing more complex than an ordinary inorganic chemical, heated to possibly several thousand degrees centigrade : at the end there is the whole panorama of the multiplicity of living organisms covering the world and possibly spreading to other planets.
The resolution of this problem is not to be found in abstract philosophizing, but in the detailed analysis of objective processes.
It is precisely the big advances astronomy, geology, chemistry, physics and that have made it possible for scientists to ask the correct questions in this field and to begin to fill in the details.
For, after all, what is involved is the self-movement of matter over a period of some 4,000 million years, which must be comprehended and disentangled from any taint of mysticism and the supernatural.
Two hundred years ago, any book on natural history would begin with the cataloguing of the living creatures most familiar to mankind, such as the beasts, birds, fishes, and passing on to the less familiar, such as the reptiles, insects, plants, etc.
The general scheme was Headlines. 4.17 Diane's Magic Theatre.
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WESTWARD: R.D8 Westward a.m.-12.10 р. Schools. News Head lines. 4.10 Peyton Place. 4.38 The Gus Honeybun Show. 4.50 The flaxtor Boys. 6.00 Westward Diary. 6.35 CrossThe Thursday 7.00 Curtain Raiser: Popeye. 7.05 The Film: As Channel. 8.30 As Channel 11.00 Seaway. 11.50 Faith for Life. 11.56 Weather.
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Crossroads. 7.00 Star Spirate Action Movie: *Blackbeard the with PioS ivan 1030 Rection. William Bendix. ATV MIDLANDS: 4.00 News Headlines. 4.02 Survival. 4015. Peyton stakes in the rest of Africa are extensions of the British economic empire in South On the other hand, inside and beyond South Africa, lie investments of giant British and international capitalist 'monopolies' which operate all over the capitalist world.
Some clear examples of this have appeared lately in public.
One of these is the November 'nationalization' law of the 'new' Libyan government. The other is the legalization, as from January 1, 1970, of what Kaunda, President of Zambia, calls the 'nationalization' of the copper mines.
One of the concerns affected by the Libyan law is Barclays DCO.
The DCO' stands for 'Dominion, Colonial and Overseas'—a topical reminder of the fact that the real British Empire is not yet dead. Barclays has no fewer than 1,670 branches in 41 countries, including South Africa and many 'independent' African states.
There it helps to finance the 'development' of Africa, particularly in mining and agriculture. This emphasis is one of the main reasons for the 'under development' of Africa by imperialism.
Another firm affected in Libya is British Petroleum, which was reported to have based on degrees of perfection, starting with man as nearest the angels and going on to less perfect models of the divine blueprint.
The success of Darwin's theory of evolution changed all that.
It was felt more appropriate to begin with the simplest forms of life and then to procede to the higher and more evolved species in the evolutionary tree.
However, the question of where to begin still remained. With Darwin's discoveries, the possibility of spontaneous generation was ruled out. All BY MARTIN ZARROP was ordered by inheritance. If One primitive germ could somehow be postulated, then all life would follow by the action of natural selection.
Pasteur's researches dealt further blows at spontaneous generation by revealing that fermentation and putrefaction were due to germs in the air and that decay could be prevented by the use of sealed vessels and disinfectants.
Any real advance had to await the time when the essential chemical knowledge was available.
Nevertheless Engels in 'Dialectics of Nature', written in the 1870s and 1880s, had this to say:
'One thing remains to be done here: to explain the origin of life from inorganic £250 million invested in Libya alone, in a pipeline, oil-wells and a terminal at Tobruk.
The latter was one of the many Libyan towns 'defended' by the 'Desert Rats' of Montgomery, . to prevent North Africa from being transferred from Anglo-French to German imperialism in the Second World War.
Neither of these big British financial and investment institutions were over-concerned by the 'nationalization' law.
Nor were Roan Selection Trust Mining Group or the Oppenheimer - led Anglo-American Corporation, where the 'independent' Zambian government 'nationalized' them. In fact, both Roan Selection Trust and Anglo American declared on November 14, 1969, that they agreed to the terms of the 'take-over'.
This was not difficult to understand. For there has been no 'take-over'. Nor has there been any 'nationalization', not even in name.
In the Libyan and Zambian examples, 'nationalization' is not ownership and control by the state.
On the contrary, the state is to have only 51 per cent 'ownership'. In other words, the millions of inhabitants are to 'own' half (plus one per 'At the present stage of science that implies nothing Ina l ImDileS than the preparation protein bodies from inorganic substances. ... As soon as the composition of the prowen, bodies becomes chemistry will be able to set about the preparation of living protein.
'But to demand that it should achieve overnight what nature itself succeeds in doing only under very favourable circumstances on a few cosmic bodies after millions of years, would be to demand a miracle.' In all essentials, the Marxist method led Engels to the correct conclusions.
It is precisely the probing of the way in which the basic hereditary material functions and protein is built, which we explained briefly last week, yields the possibility of explaining how these processes emerged at the very door of life itself.
The impact of the development of biochemistry took some time to penetrate into the field of origins.
Nevertheless, the growing knowledge that all life was chemically one, as well as genetically interrelated, led in 1924 to Oparin's theory.
Essentially the same ideas were expressed independently in 1929 by J. B. S. Haldane.
Most modern (materialist) theories of the origin of life are based on this work by Oparin and Haldane and it is I. D. Bernal's * exposition, elaborated in the light of subsequent developments that we turn for our outline.
Bernal emphasises that this is an attempt to produce a plausible history of the origins of certain chemical-physical processes on the earth's surface at a stage when its gross physical features were much the same as they are today.
Such a history must reveal the working out of real material contradictions and incorporate all the relevant data available at the present stage development genetics, etc.
To this extent, any history origin life is provisional and will undoubtedly be amended and refined as science advances.
* The Origin Of Life by J. D. Bernal; Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1967.
The crucial test is whether additional knowledge leads to a development of theory, i.e. a closer, more accurate, richer reflection of the objective process, or whether such data demands a drastic revision of the previous theory.
The process itself divides naturally into three major stages-from atom to molecule, from molecule to polymer (molecule chain), from molecule to organism.
Almost certainly life on earth originated in the oceans. cent), while a handful of multi-millionaire finance capitalists are to own an equal share (less one per cent).
Nor will the state control Barclays, BP, Anglo-American or Roan Selection Trust.
They will 'share' the control. And since these states are subservient to the dominant imperial masters abroad, real policy will continue, as before, to be made abroad, or on the spot by personnel selected at headquarters and not in Tripoli or Lusaka.
The 51 per cent fraud of 'nationalization' will not only leave the crux of ownership and control in the hands of the foreign companies.
It will also, by the very device of 'sharing', give economic imperialism more immediate and direct entry into and control over the state.
It is not the state which will own and control.
It is imperialism which will own and control - at least until it is ousted. That is, until it is expropriated by the workers and peasants of the 'independent' states.
The fact is that, for example, the Zambian toilers, who earn wages one-tenth of those of British workers in Britain, will have to pay, through intensified super - exploitation and more direct and indirect taxes, for the 'nationalization'.
It is not enough that The first stage in its formation -probably water, methane and ammonia-was the production of organic molecules characteristic of life such as the amino acids, the basic building blocks of protein.
These are the constitutents of the 'primary soup' of the Oparin-Haldane hypothesis.
The energy for the syntheses of these basic substances would be provided by radiation, either radioactivity or, more likely, ultra-violet light from the sun.
The present-day atmosphere of the earth admits very little ultra-violet owing to the presence of oxygen and we must therefore assume that the original atmosphere contained no oxygen.
The presence of the gas today is probably due to the development of plants at a later stage. Such atmospheres without oxygen and composed of methane and ammonia have been detected on the planets Jupiter and Saturn.
Further support for the theory was provided in 1953 by Miller.
By exposing mixtures of methane, ammonia and water to various forms of electrical excitation, he was able to preduce definite molecules amino acids, sugar and vegeThe dependence of this process on water limits the type of planet on which life can originate. The temperature must be between 10 and 40 degrees centigrade for life to start and thrive and the planet must be large enough to prevent evaporation of the water molecules.
In our planetary system only earth fully satisfies the necessary conditions, but many other planets must exist in other solar systems as possible candidates.
Stage two in the process consists of the formation from the constituents of the primitive soup of more complex molecules, formed by the continues to drain Zambia or Libya dry, but, in addition, the oppressed people are to be made to pay for the past.
The technique is: compensation, in Zambia's case, to the tune of £120 million.
This compensation, for a 'half-share', is to be paid in US dollars : and must, inevitably, become an increasingly heavier burden as time passes.
For, as India, Ghana and Kenya have already shown, British 'aid' has practically bankrupted the countries which have to repay the capital and the interest in such a way that the interest steadily becomes a • bigger debt than the capital and systematically impoverishes the people who pay it to their old and newly 'nationalized' masters.
How much more aid' (compensation) to Britain by The compensation to be paid gives the 'nationalized' concerns an additional financial interest in the 'independent' semi-colonial state.
The state becomes more closely the agency of monopoly-finance imperialist capital.
This closer "merging' of finance-capital with the semi-colonial state is made more compact in the case of Zambia's 'nationalization' by the fact that the economy of Zambia is dominated by groups of companies which also dominate the economy of totalitarian, apartheid South The economic masters of Zambia are in the highest positions in the British-formed and constituted capitalist class which rules over South Africa.
stringing together in • linear order of similar or identical sub-molecules.
These polymers were probably the simplest forms of nucleic acid and, at some decisive stage, there appeared the mechanism of identical replication-the essential characteristic of life itself.
This is the central problem of the origin of life.
How did the transition from molecule to self-reproducing molecule take place?
No firm answer can be given, but Bernal suggests that it could not be a chance occurrence.
Such a process would be greatly assisted by two factors.
Firstly, the thickening of the primary soup by evaporation and secondly, the clustering the molecules around mineral particles such as clay, on beaches and in estuaries.
Somewhere in this mud would be so called 'sub-vital' areas where the decisive chemical reaction took place.
This is a hypothetical biochemical stage of life which preceded any separate physical form of organism.
The final stage in the origin of life is the formation of separate organisms which probably did not have any definite shape or boundary.
The appearance of membranes, essentially a sort of protein sandwich, provided the possibility of cells-the fundamental units of all living organisms from the smallest single-celled bacterium to the highest forms of existence.
The development of the cell, with its well-defined boundaries and its complex structure, brings us away from the origin of life and on to the path of evolutionary theory.
By the very nature of the subject, much of what has gone above must be tentative.
The decisive test will come with the construction of the living cell from non-living matter, within the confines of the scientist's laboratory.
Meet Mr Lollipop in Leeds of PAGE FOUR December 11, 19894