Workers Press no. 724

workers press

THE ULSTER CRISIS-FOR A GENERAL ELECTION

DOWN WITH DIRECT

STATEMENT BY THE INTERNATIC

COMMITTE OF THE

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL

THE INTERNATIONAL Con International condemns the imp the Tory government over N Irela This reactionary measure - supported by almost every left- wing Labour, Republican, and Independent Nationalist MP, as well as by a section of the Provisional IRA leaders- threatens the democratic rights of Protestant and Catholic worker alike. We urgently warn British and Irish workers that the slightest support for direct rule is a vote of confidence in a regime that has tortured, interned and mur- dered hundreds of Irish workers in the last 20 months. Support for direct rule has an inexorable and sinister logic. If the Tory government decides to suppress Protestant workers with the same means that were used in Derry by what will the Repub- the paras, Nationalists, revisionists and licans, Stalinists do then? To ask the question is to answer it. It was not an accident that these opportunists supported the despatch of British troops to Ulster in 1969!

could not What the imperialists preserve with baton, bullet, CS gas they now hope and noise machines to keep by a negotiated political under solution, conducted mantle of 'direct rule. Under the convenient subterfuge the hated Stormont of replacing Heath-Wilson gang regime the are sinister preack against Irish workers rights, preparing even more through a coalition of Republican and Orange capitalists, backed by of the S and the armed forces Britain. Partition will stay, sectarian divi- sions will be exacerbated and the hated system of low wages, un- will and speed-up employment -if direct rule is effected.

continue- The major burden of 'direct rule' the backs of the will fall on Protestant workers who have been clerical and Tory- led by their * Unionist leaders into the blind alley of sectarian politics. unity of Protestant and The Catholic workers— a precondition successful struggle against for a British imperialism-demands an un- compromising struggle to tear this from the re- section of workers actionary influence of Orangeism.

This can be done only by revolu- tionary policies which stress the essential unity of the Irish working struggle to class in a common defend basic democratic rights, pre- independence the serve the unions, defeat Toryism and estab- lish a socialist government through- out Ireland.

INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETT

DAILY ORGAN OF THE CENTRAL (

ERNATIONAL

L Committee of the Fourth he imposition of direct rule by • N Ireland. The nationalization of land, banks and industry under workers' control and without compensation is the Irish only way forward for the working class. We categorically denounce the Wilson leadership's collaboration in this macabre Heath plan. In the same way as the miners' leaders saved the Tory government from a political defeat at the hands of the mineworkers so, too, the Labour traitors obligingly help the Tories in their moment of greatest weakness. In the meantime the Tory press cover up, or play down, the sinister conspiracy, by exaggerated of a possible speculative reports •Protestant backlash'. Without Wilson and the Labour "lefts' 'direct rule' would be impos- sible, or at least ineffective. Wilson's support for direct rule is in line with his support for internment and the ghoulish techniques of the army and police interrogation.

The International Committee of the Fourth International calls on all "left' MPs, as well as the Irish opposition MPs, to vote against this reactionary and dictatorial Act.

The silence of these MPs, or their equivocal attitude to direct rule' will only provide testimony to their political bankruptcy, their fear of the Irish workers and their failure and refusal to face up to the alter- native to direct rule. We say that there is an alterna- tive to direct rule and that it can and will be achieved. It is the joint struggle of the British and Irish workers to force the Tory govern- ment to resign and to elect a Labour which will withdraw government from Ulster and help all troops secure self-determination and unity for Ireland. The struggle for such a Labour be secured only government can through the defeat and expulsion of the right-wing , Labour traitors. These men, in their own way have already betrayed the British workers to the monopolists in the Common Market. direct rule by Acceptance of Labour will inevitably strengthen the extreme right wing in Ulster and in Britain. At the same time it has thoroughly exposed and refuted the middle-class fallacy of the Repub- lican Provisionals that terror is the most effective route to self deter- mination. Far from leading to real indepen- their exclusive dence and liberation reliance on terror and their opposi- tion to Marxism and the revolution- ary party have now resulted in a VEWSLETTER • MONDAY MARCH 27, 1972• No 724 • 4p

TRAL COMMITTEE OF THE SOCIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE

ASSEMBLY

the Marxist a belated echo revisionism and build rotten compromise; revolutionary Party in Ireland.

of the wretched 1922 Agreement.

For the second time in 50 years Similarly those who rely on Republicanism has revealed the emotion and radical phrasemonger- bankruptcy of bourgeois nationalism ing are singularly silent when the and the utter weakness of the Irish Tory trap of direct rule is sprung.

middle class. What unites all these groups 1s The revisionist and Stalinist civil their desire to keep the working rights protestors also bear a respon- from participating class as an sibility for the confusion and divi- independent and conscious force in class because sion in working Une the national liberation struggle. The of reform offered their policies no Committee of the International way out for the Protestant workers Fourth International calls the and strengthened Paisleyism.

Ulster class conscious militants in of the Republic to learn the The present opposition and in the West- of the four years' Civil Rights last Association lessons initiative' struggle, to reject the bankrupt and minster's is totally un- principled and recognizes the power treacherous labour and nationalists and build revolu- of Britain to dictate policies to leadership the Marxist leadership in Ire- tionary Ulster. land, for a Workers' Van- League The of the Inter- opposition of guard, the Trish section the revisionists, the national Socialism of Committee the International and International Marxist Group Fourth International. the Stalinists to a campaign to force and their the Tories out of power • Long live the Irish workers!

tail-ending of Republican-nationalism have strengthened sectarian divisions with imperialism and its • Down class and alienated in the working Labourite and nationalist agencies!

the Protestant workers. • Withdraw the troops immediately!

By separating the struggle against internment and for democratic rights • Force the Tories to resign!

Tory from the struggle against the government these reformists act as • Release all internees! a political rearguard for imperialism.

The present crisis in Ulster • For a General Election!

demonstrates the absolute again March 25, 1972 expose and smash necessity to

YOUNG

SDCIALISTS

DEFEND

RIGHT OF

ASSEMBLY

CHRECT RULE

FOR ULSTER

SLL joins Ulster demo SOCIALIST Labour League and Young Socialist con- tingents - 750 strong - marched as a body on Sunday's Anti-Internment League mass mobilization.

Assembling at Clapham Common, one of the five assembly points for the day's marches, the SLL and YS marchers were headed by a banner demanding the withdrawal of British troops from Ulster, defence the right to assembly, against internment and for forcing the Tory govern- ment to resign. Loudly chanting slogans contingents the

SLL

marched as far as White- hall Place where they turned off to hold a short meeting. Speakers were Gary Gurmeet, editor of the Young Socialists' paper 'Keep Left'; Mike Banda,

SLL

Central Committee member, and Sarah Han- nigan, London secretary of the Young Socialists. • See meeting report p.12.

and LATE NEWS

workers press

THE ULSTER CRISIS-FOR A GENERAL ELECTION

DOWN WITH DIRECT

INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETT

DAILY ORGAN OF THE CENTRAL (

STATEMENT BY THE INTERNATIONAL

COMMITTE

OF THE

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL

THE INTERNATIONAL Committee of the Fourth International condemns the imposition of direct rule by the Tory government over N Ireland.

The nationalization of land, banks This reactionary measure and industry under workers' control supported by almost every left- the and Consensolen wing Labour, Republican, forward for the Irish only way Nationalist and Independent working class. categorically denounce the MP, as well as by a section of We Wilson leadership's collaboration in Provisional IRA leaders the this macabre Heath plan. threatens the democratic rights In the same way as the miners' Catholic of Protestant and Tory leaders saved the government worker alike. from a political defeat at the hands the of the mineworkers so, too, British and We urgently warn Labour obligingly help the

TATTOO

Irish that the slightest workers moment of greatest Tories in their support for direct rule is a vote weakness. confidence regime that of In In the meantime the Tory press interned and mur- has tortured, cover up, or play down, the sinister of Irish workers dered hundreds exaggerated and conspiracy, by in the last 20 months. of possible speculative •Protestant backlash'. rule has Support for direct an inexorable and sinister logic. If the Without Wilson and the Labour Tory government decides to suppress would be 'lefts' 'direct rule' impos- the same Wilson's Protestant workers with sible, or at least ineffective.

means that were used in support for Derry by direct rule is in line will the Repub- the what with his support for internment and paras, Nationalists, revisionists and licans, the ghoulish techniques of the army Stalinists do then? and police interrogation.

To ask the question is to answer Committee of The International it. It was not an accident that these Fourth International calls on all the opportunists supported the despatch MPs, Opposition MPS, to vote against this troops to Ulster in 1969! British of imperialists could not What the reactionary and dictatorial Act.

CS gas with baton, bullet, preserve The silence of these MPs, or their hope and machines they now rule, 'direct attitude equivocal to political by negotiated to keep provide testimony to their will only under the solution, conducted their fear bankruptcy, political OI mantle of 'direct rule'. workers and their failure the Irish Under the convenient subterfuge and refusal to face up to the alter- Stormont of hated replacing the native to direct rule. Heath-Wilson gang the regime We say that there is an alterna- more sinister preparing an even direct rule and that it can tive to attack against Irish workers' rights, and will be achieved. It is the joint Republican coalition of through Irish British and struggle of the backed by and Orange capitalists, Tory workers to force the govern- armed forces of the and the ment to resign and to elect a Labour Britain. which will withdraw government divi- Partition will stay, sectarian from Ulster and help all troops will be exacerbated and the secure self-determination and unity sions of low wages, un- for Ireland. hated system will speed-up employment and The struggle for such a Labour continue-if direct rule is effected.

secured only government can be The major burden of 'direct rule' defeat the and expulsion through fall the backs of the Labour traitors. will on of the right-wing been Protestant workers who have These men, in their way have own Tory- workers their clerical and led by already betrayed the British Unionist leaders into the blind alley monopolists in the Common to the of sectarian politics. Market. and Acceptance The unity Protestant of direct rule by ot Catholic precondition inevitably strengthen Labour will workers — a Ülster for successful struggle against right in the extreme Wing -demands an un- and in Britain. British imperialism— this compromising struggle to tear has At the time it same from the re- section of workers thoroughly exposed and refuted the influence of Orangeism. actionary middle-class fallacy the Repub- This can be done only by revolu- lican Provisionals that terror is the the policies which stress tionary most effective route self deter- to essential unity of the Irish working mination common struggle to class Far from leading to real indepen- defend basic democratic rights, pre- their exclusive dence and liberation the independence of the serve on terror and their opposi- Toryism estab- reliance unions, defeat and tion to Marxism and the revolution- lish a socialist government through- resulted in party have , now out Ireland.

JEWSLETTER • MONDAY MARCH 27, 1972

TRAL COMMITTEE OF THE SOCIALIS

LADIER

PERTIE:

rotten compromise; a belated , echo of the wretched 1922 Agreement.

For the second time in 50 years Republicanism has revealed bankruptcy of bourgeois nationalism and the utter weakness of the Irish middle class. The revisionist and Stalinist civil rights protestors also bear a respon- sibility for the confusion and divi- sion • the working class because their policies of reform offered no way out for the Protestant workers and strengthened Paisleyism.

The present opposition of the Civil Rights West- Association to minster's initiative' is totally un- principled and recognizes the power of Britain to dictate policies to cers Ulster. opposition of the Inter- The national Socialism revisionists, the International Marxist Group and the Stalinists to a campaign to force the Tories out of power and their tail-ending of Republican-nationalism have strengthened sectarian divisions in the working class and alienated the Protestant workers. By separating the struggle against internment and for democratic rights from the struggle against the Tory government these reformists act as a political rearguard for imperialism.

The crisis in Ulster present again the absolute demonstrates n a necessity to smash and expose • 1972 • No 724 • 4p

OCIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE

ASSEMBLY

revisionism and build the Marxist revolutionary Party in Ireland.

Similarly those who rely on emotion and radical phrasemonger- ing are singularly silent when the rish Tory trap of direct rule is sprung.

What unites all these groups is their desire to keep the working from participating class as an independent and conscious force in the national liberation struggle. The International Committee Fourth International calls on the : in Ulster class conscious militants and in the Republic to learn the four years' lessons of the last struggle, to reject the bankrupt and treacherous labour and nationalists leadership and build the revolu- tionary Marxist leadership in Ire- land, League for a Workers' Van- Irish section of the guard, the International Committee of the Fourth International. • Long live the Irish workers!

• Down with imperialism and its Labourite and nationalist agencies!

• Withdraw the troops immediately!

• Force the Tories to resign!

• Release all internees! • For a General Election!

March 25, 1972

YOUNG

SOCIALISTS

DEFEND

RIGHT OF

ASSEMBLY

DIRECT RAME

FORDESTER

SLL joins Ulster demo SOCIALIST Labour League Socialist con- and Young : — 750 strong - tingents marched as a body on Sunday's Anti-Internment League mass mobilization.

Assembling at Clapham Common, one of the five points for the assembly day's marches, the SLL and YS marchers were headed by a banner demanding the withdrawal of British troops Ulster, defence from the right to assembly, against internment and for forcing the Tory govern- ment to resign. Loudly chanting slogans , contingents the SLL marched as far as White- hall Place where they turned off to hold a short Speakers meeting. were Gary Gurmeet, editor of the Socialists' paper Young 'Keep Left; Mike Banda,

SLL

Central Committee member, and Sarah Han- nigan, London secretary of the Young Socialists. • See meeting report p.12.

and LATE NEWS

Referendum confounds the left in France PAGE 2 Workers Press, Monday March 21 CHILE'S capital, Santi. Interior l Canto had following President Sal- the governm pared to ar vador Allende's ban on a street demonstration against any by middle-class women defy its or Popular reinforcemer Unity government's stationed ir trouble spot The women, who were The claims to ha to protest against nationalization, called & right-win ofi their march alleging provoke ar fighting. Pol possible provocation by armed Marxist groups. three branc

AROUND THE WORLD

BY A FOREIGN CORRESPONDENT

FASCIST police have arrested for questioning about the shipy a fortnight ago. This brings to 48 the num- ber arrested since workers at the state-owned Bazan ship- yards brought General Franco's home town to a standstill with a mass strike and demonstra- tions for a wage increase and trade union rights. Twenty-seven of those detained have been fined between 50,000 and 250,000 pesetas (£300 and £1,500). Five have been released after paying the fines and police at the weekend said that six others have been jailed for refusing to pay. The Spanish authorities levy recently took powers to fines for political summary The fines can be im- offences. posed without trial. In Santander, six students three of them girls--.have been arrested on charges of subversion suspected members of youth division of the outlawed Communist Party. According to arrests followed the police, the into 'subversive' investigations student activities in Santander.

Students and workers demon- Hussein talks PRESIDENT Numeiry of the Sudan has called for an Arab summit to discuss King Hussein's plan for a Federal Kingdom of Jordan to span both sides of the Jordan. Without backing the plan com- pletely, he said that it contained the possibility of ending the war with Israel and should be studied by Arab governments in a unified manner. has had No one yet breathing space to evaluate the Arab proposals. Without an summit an unacceptable solution might be imposed.

PRESIDENT POMPIDOU

y March 27, 1972 Interior Minister Del right-wing 'Country ar Freedom' anto had warned that produced an impressi e government was pre- red to apply the full array of weapons, il the law cluding sulphuric bombs and Molot ainst any attempt to fy its orders. Police cocktails. inforcements were Eight people ha in the city's been arrested and o1 buble spots. of the movement leaders, Pablo Rodrigu government Grez, has been detain aims to have unearthed charges of actir on right-wing avoke armeyplot to against state security. street- hting. Police raids on Chile's Socialist Par ree branches of the has issued a stateme rrested three more workers at the S le shipyard strike in which two work strated through the city last week following the Ferrol shootings. The young men sus- pects have been jailed pending filing formal charges, while the girls, aged 18 to 20, have been released on conditional liberty. All Six are students at the Santander teachers' college.

metalworkers' The Dutch union has called a week's boy- cott of repairs to Spanish ships in response to an appeal from the International Metalworkers' THE FUNERAL of Giangia- como Feltrinelli, the left- wing • publisher whose mangled body was found at the foot of an electricity pylon near Milan, may be the occasion for a big political demonstration .. in the emotionally-charged atmos- Italy's phere preceding general election. The Milan Public Prosecutor has given permission for the body to be buried, but the funeral date has not yet been fixed. The post mortem cast little light on the surrounding his death, mystery which is widely believed to have been a right-wing frame-up intended to discredit the left.

Proceedings are being pressed against three extreme right- wingers suspected of organizing a series of bomb outrages in 1969.

Judge Giancero Stiz, of Treviso, near Venice, suspects three neo- fascists of having organized the December 12, 1969, Milan bomb explosion, for which the anarchist Valpreda is on trial. Judge Stiz has handed all his Public evidence the Milan to Prosecutor and a further inquiry will be opened by an investigat- ing magistrate.

PRESIDENT

Pompidou's April 23 referendum on the enlargement of the Common Market has left his opponents divided and confused. between Lengthy discussions Socialist and Communist Party leaders failed to produce agree- ment on a vote. CP secretary George Marchais said the Party would campaign for a 'No'. Hę Pompidou's called move 'plebiscite manoeuvre' intended to clear the way for a Gaullist majority at the next elections.

of the pro-EEC Leader Socialist Francois Mit- Party, terand, called for abstention. His Party could not 'vote yes because we are fighting the government and cannot endorse the rest of M. Pompidou's policies'. This split seems to ruin any immediate electoral coalition for which the CP had been working Country and on allegations that the CIA was involved in a movement impressive plot to prevent Allende eapons, in- taking office in October acid 1970, describint «typical it as Molotov part counter - revolutionary combination aimed at have overthrowing the d and one movement's people's government'.

• Rodriguez The party said that en detained another part of the plan of acting the formation of was armed groups and the creation of 'a climate of cialist Party violence and chaos. • statement at the Spanish port of El Ferrol vo workers were shot by police Federation against the El Ferrol repression. Although there are no Spanish ships in Dutch at the ports moment, some may be due. It is possible that the boycott will be extended to dockers so that no Spanish ships will be handled in Rotterdam next week. A similar boycott is under way shipyard in Finland, where workers have declared they will not repair any Spanish ships until the end of March. The three new suspects include a parliamentary candidate for the neo-fascist Italian Social Move- ment (MSI), which hopes to score big successes in the election.

Definite implication of the MSI in bomb attacks could damage its electoral prospects. The right and moderate forces have been hoping hi hear bowin tales, nt which the bomb attacks colour, would stampede many un- decided electors to vote for them.

This is also the fear of the Italian Communist Party which, at its recent Congress, was full of denunciation of leftists'. Under its new secretary, Enrico Berlinguer, it took a further step to the right and is striving to look as moderate as possible with a view to joining a coalition with bourgeois politicians after the election. Berlinguer's offers policy nothing to the working class.

continues the It policy of betrayal which began directly after the return of CP secretary Palmiro Togliatti to Italy in 1944 to take in hand the growing revolutionary which upsurge followed the downfall of Mussolini. Now the fascists, in the shape of the MSI, which has concluded an alliance with the Monarchists, are hoping to make a come-back as Italy slides into economic It clarifies divi- for some time. sions that had become acute since Mitterand became Socialist Party secretary. For some time Pompidou has been aiming to win a position closer to that held by de Gaulle at the height of his power.

He seized on the Common Market issue—basically the ques- tion of whether Frenchmen want to see Britain a member-to whip substantial majority in a what amounted to a plebiscite.

A call for a united 'No' vote would met Pompidou have squarely with the weight of and opposition to his regime have forced him out of might like de Gaulle's 1969 power, referendum. groups, headed • by Nine left Unified Socialist the centrist Party (PSU) and the Ligue Com- muniste (Pabloite) and including anarchists and Maoists, had THIS HAS been a week of great confusion amongst radicals of all shades, reformists, Irish nationalists and Stalinists. The Tory Budget is designed to create a feeling of inflationary 'well being' so that the traitors of the TUC Party and the Labour can temporarily confuse sections of the working class and middle class.

After the defeat of the government at the hands of the miners, Heath and company urgently need a little time to re-organize their forces for a renewed and even more vicious counter-attack against the working class. Thus, the inflationary side of the Budget is a smoke- screen behind which capital investment will flow into W Europe so that the monopolists can gang up with their reactionary European counterparts in a fresh offensive against the working class.

The Tories are out to trap the small medium-sized businessman in a round of speculative investment whose potential will be completely wiped out as soon as entry into the Common Market becomes effective.

In a world economic crisis which each day drifts ever more deeply into the quagmire of trade war and recession, the Tories know very well that thousands of such small businesses will be bankrupted and taken over lock stock and barrel by the more powerful monopolies. The Budget is a double-bladed axe wielded by the Tory monopolists which hits simultaneously at the working class and the middle class Likewise, the proposal of 'direct rule' for Ulster will solve nothing. It simply reimposes Tory rule under conditions in which Heath can appear as a 'peace- maker'. The confusion over the Budget and direct rule could, if the situation worsens for the Tories, become the medium for providing a background for a snap General Election. capitalist With the economic crisis steadily : deteriorating, it becomes more than ever abso- lutely vital to assist the depression and social chaos. Their working class in Britain latest recruit is ex-NATO naval and Ulster in the achieve- boss Admiral Birindelli, who has ment of their political ambitions Italy's to be next independence through strong-man. Some observers expect the new the building of revolu- 12 per combination to get over tionary parties in Ireland of the votes, which would cent and England enable it to play an important With the old parliamentary role. These are times of Christian coalition between the Democrats and Socialists in ruins, great danger, they must the post-election period is bound not be wasted with re- see a lengthy horse-trading in formist clap-trap. which the neo-fascists hope to strengthen their position.

The for growing contempt Berraynentary methods and the Santo Domingo: Socialist and betrayals the Communist Party leaderships has meanwhile thrown youth, many Pressman barred intellectuals and workers support for groups which for through call direct action guerrilla and terrorist A DOMINICAN journalist who urban activities. Feltrinelli was among attended a trade union confer- those who backed such move- ence in Moscow has been pre- of to the ments instead turning working class and the building of vented from returning home by a revolutionary party. the of Santo government The need in Italy today is for Domingo. Miguel Frajul attended leadership which revolutionary can wrest the working class from the conference as a representa- the grasp of the Stalinist and tive of the Christian Trades reformist bureaucracies and use its strength to win over hesitant Union. A union spokesman of the middle class members astonishment at the expressed and defeat the fascist threat government's decision. establish a workers' republic. in Bolivia and prepares the way called

• CP-SP

for a boycott similar to that referendum before for situation which Chile. It is, in split. exists in policy, essence, centrist Alain Krivine of the Ligue denounced by Trotsky many Communiste called for 'a massive times. boycott on the part of The call for abstention or boy.

show their workers in order to cott is really part of this centrist contempt for the operation'.

which abandons the Speaking of the possibility of policy struggle to build a revolutionary a left coalition victory at the next party to lead the working class elections he said: It actually strengthens of the left corres- 'The unity to bower. CP's hand. It will be able Pords ity ide sire absence and the the working unity in absence to appear before champion credible revolutionary alternative.

the of class as main and If the left opposition Pompidou, won the next to union elections, the Ligue Communiste thus the only credible alternative.

In fact it lets Marchais off the of would carry on a campaign hook. He does not intend to lead regarding the wariness new against the while implanting Common serious struggle government accepted Market- itself at the heart of the struggles by Soviet bureau- but the as a reality to strengthen it, Ligue would support governmental mea- cracy. Pompidou, of course, will make against the right.' sures directed disarray of big gains from this This the of same type which proved disastrous the left. policy

FACTS BEHIND RIO

When the first settlers came to Australia polles Ilke Rio Tinto still treat the black

BY ALEX MITCHELL

The capitalist press has been lavishing praise on the giant Rio Tinto-Zinc Mining Corporation for its decision gold-mining in to abandon the Mawddach Estuary in Wales. In announcing the winding up of the project, RTZ chairman • Duncan said mining Sir Val operations in the estuary would damage the environment. 'We cannot win • it [gold] in that estuary, which is one of the most beautiful that I know in the world, without such disturb- ance of its natural amenity as would be unreasonable' He said the concerned company was upsetting the 'ecological about balance' in the area. On the face of it RTZ are putting 'quality of life' before profit. This is certainly how the financial press reacted to the as adjectives like statement 'statesmanlike' poured from the pens of City writers. But the facts about RTZ's Welsh mining developments present a completely different • lar picture. For RTZ never had any inten- tion of mining Mawddach. The company's only interest in that locality is a £60m open-cast copper ore body on the moun- tains behind the estuary.

about the Why all the fuss estuary? you might ask. In November 1970 Jon Tinker, writing in the 'New Scientist', go • Australla they stole the aborigines' tribal land the black population with little regard.

- completely exposed RTZ's true intentions in Wales in a major article headed: 'Snowdonia cops it.' Tinker wrote: 'While it might be crediting RTZ with , Machiavellian a too plan to suggest that they put up the Mawddach gold dredging only to abandon it later, it is hard not to see the advantages of such a ploy. RTZ would be able to pose as the magnanimous corporation refraining from ruin- ing a beautiful and popular estuary and the county council would be able to take the credit for persuading it to do so. In the self-congratulatory conservation- ist haze which would envelope the subject, open-cast copper mining could then be given a go-ahead.' The man in charge of the Snowdonia project, Lord Byers, the leader of the Liberal peers in the House of Lords, was incensed hy the article and a series of angry correspondence began. But today, in view of the chairman's statement, it seems that Tinker's analysis was right on the button.

Another RTZ project in the the Avonmouth lead smelter, is already the subject of a government inquiry following the revelation last month that workers were suffering from lead poisoning. The huge smelter, one of the • largest of its kind in the world, has been shut down while con- tamination is tightened up.

In Namibia (SW Africa)

RTZ

is also in the glare of inter- national attention where workers at its uranium mine are becoming increasingly restless. Although Namibia was illegally annexed by the neighbouring S Wilson African regime, the . government agreed to purchase tribal land. Today the big mining mono- from the RTZ uranium ore prospect in that country. With this huge order in the bag, RTZ went full speed ahead to develop the mine, taking advantage of the chea? labour. RTZ has a controversial history in Australia too. Two years ago Bougainville islanders formed a picket line on the beach to prevent the landing of equipment to start the ex- ploitation of copper resources. Police using tear gas and clubs attacked the local inhabitants to commence operations. With chairman Duncan talking and saving about conservation beautiful tracts of Wales, it is interesting to note a 'Financial Times' story of two days ago.

The item, revealed that the Industry Australian Mining Council has launched a cam- paign to combat conservationist groups. The campaign seeks to ensure the 'ill-informed, emotional or capricious criticism does not in- hibit Australia's economic pro- gress'. • AMIC's intentions are clearcut; it wants to allow the unbridled plunder of Australia's mineral to continue without resources complaints about the devastation of the countryside or the dis- placement of aboriginal tribes.

Interestingly, the chairman of AMIC and leading sponsor • of the campaign is Mr D. J. Hib- berd. He is chief of Comalco, an RTZ subsidiary in Australia.

Workers Press, W Lord Cobbold Britain's banking community is preparing itself for Com- mon Market entry. The International Italian Bank is to set up a subsidiary in London with Lord Cobbold as chairman. Cobbold, who has been con- nected with banking since the 1930s, was governor of the Bank of England from 1949 to 1961: The board also includes Mr former James Callaghan, the Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer. A pro-Marketeer in office, Callaghan has now been 'opposition' to the converted to Market. But it is significant that when the Labour rebels voted with the Tories for entry, Callaghan did not call for their expulsion from the Labour Party.

The other directors are Dr Ciro de Martino, chairman of Birmid Qualcast is to close its Swan Gardens foundry in Wolverhampton on June 23, throwing 360 men out of work. The company blames the closure of the foundry, which produces ferrous castings, on the slump in the truck and industries. Among tractor Birmid Qualcast's major buyers are Massey Ferguson, David Brown and Ford. Mr Don Groves, Associa tion of Scientific, Technical and Managerial Staffs'. divi- sional officer, said the shut- be 'opposed by down would every • means. Nothing can be ruled out at this stage'.

re Preda, Monday March 27, 1972 PAGE 3 James Callaghan Banco di Sicilia and for many years chief banking controller of the Bank of Italy; Sir Charles Forte, president of the Italian Chamber of Commerce for Great Britain; Professor Luciano Jona, chairman, Istituto Bancario San Paolo di Torino; Professor Paolo Pagliazzi, chief general manager, Monte dei Paschi di Siena; and Mr R. G. Raw, adviser to the Governor of the Bank of England.

Mr Raw, who is shortly leaving the Bank of England, will not formally join the Board until July I. The bank, which has a capital of f5m, is a subsidiary of the Luxembourg holding company, Anciennes Institutions de Credit Italiennes. This is jointly owned by Banco di Napoli, Banco di Sicilia, Istituto Bancario San Paolo di Torino, and Monte dei Paschi di Siena, four of the largest and oldest Italian banks, with total deposits of £7,000m.

ALL TRADES UNIONS

ALLIANCE

MEETINGS

WILLESDEN: Monday March 27, 8 p.m. Trades and Labour Hall, High Rd., 'Right- to-Work Campaign and the fight to force the Tories out'.

LEEDS: Tuesday March 28, 7.30 p.m. Quarry Hill Flats Com- munity Centre. 'The engineers' play claim'. W LONDON: Tuesday, March 28, 8 p.m. Prince Albert, Road, off York Wharfedale Way, Kings Cross, N1. 'Report back from Wembley Pool'. SOUTHALL: Wednesday, March 29, 8 p.m. Southall Community Centre, Bridge Road. 'Report back from Wembley Pool'. N LONDON: Thursday March Arms, 30, 8 p.m. Bricklayers Tottenham High Rd., N17 (off White Hart Lane). 'Report back meeting from Wembley and the Scarborouah conference'. Moscow Trials Anthology Paperback, 62}p

MAX SHACHTMAN :

Behind The Moscow Trial Paperback 75p

ROBERT BLACK:

Stalinism In Britain Paperback £1.122—cloth £2

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REVOLUTIONARIES

PAGE 4, Workers Press, Monday March : By Cliff Slaughter SLL Central Committee member The success of the Young Socialists' Right - to - Work marches is something which will prove decisive in the building of a Marxist party in Britain. One year after the resolution carried at the Alexandra Palace anti-Tory rally, (February 1971), it was being practically implemented throughout the country. The resolution called for transformation of the Socialist Labour League into a revolutionary party. Already in the autumn of 1970, the All Trades Unions Alliance and the Socialist Labour League had put forward the Charter of Basic Rights, with the right to work asserted against the growing mass unemployment. Then, in October 197l, the Right-to-Work campaign began in earnest and the marches from Glasgow, Liverpool and Swanséa were planned. Indeed, the first lesson of the campaign and the marches is that only those who had grasped the depth of capitalism's crisis could prepare for the great increase in reaching the unemployment, million mark in January 1972.

Every other tendency on the left was either asking the government for 'reflationary' measures or had doubts that the capital boom would soon reassert its upward course. For the same reasons, all the Socialist tendencies except the Labour League completely under- estimated strength fighting capacity: of the working class. when the as an open challenge the Tory to government's staying in office and the Birmingham engineers joined the struggle, the Right-to-Work marchers were able to fight their way through all these experiences, to learn from them and to be sustained along the way by a working class which was under- going profound changes: While every other 'left' group- ing remained utterly unprepared and isolated from these changes, Young Socialists and the the Socialist Labour League were able, through the Right-to-Work marches and the daily Workers Press, to provide the political vehicle for learning the lessons and preparing the next stage of the struggles of the British work- ing class against the Tory govern- ment. This is very clear if we trace the rapid political developments in the very same month as the Right-to-Work marches. The young Glasgow marchers set off the middle of the miners' strike. Liverpool and Swansea began right at the point where the NUM leaders accepted the Wilberforce Report. Thousands of workers under- stood that the miners had brought the government to its knees. The trade union leaders, in accepting the 21 per cent forced by the miners' determined struggle, gave Heath the breath- ing space to get to his feet again.

The feelings of these workers, as they sensed the political mean- miners' ing of the settlement, found their and expression development the necessary Right-to-Work marches: If the

GENERATIONOF

RIGHT TO WORK

existing trade The 1 orles. them the a new Young leaders hip for the vcllayals As the strength, raised suDoorL Irom file of the the direction. ordinary The the miners" eaders set out

LOUISC

retreat, Inculoi

CISS

one advance of their the Clydeside. the The message strength the threalen: together!

WORKERS

TUC

general reather and the General Council responded marcher, like workers, centiemen nad miners, but The meeting, capitalist press. and General to introouce of assembly to save tne He meant the businessmen working class. All this Industrial 28. When marchers posed allemalive class-conscious understand. prepare they were The ing standards the right to leadership collaboration trade nion and Labou buld not bring dowi when even une he ranks had brought of collapse, point necessary to look for marches eere -Work marches, lists not just talking te ouye but actually fighting teeth of all the reformists and sathere‹ nassive financia n the factories anu aid of the rank and orking class in every Labour and union the

••DOSELE

workers recogn- need lD or trem strike. But the om the miners' strike, re Tories were forced from their working blow. They had Om to the national- ustry, in clear breach urcu poncy, ane lcy te hely me proached They pro- the was clear: workins class union leaders hreatens us, the Tory therefore let us join Victor he General Counc i positively. Every been unable to rai toserner toe support they at the drop of a according began rith whisky darling of the 'left Transport and Britain's largest the state recuater businessmen necessary War of life way an way of life of trade union threatened by the Relations n ActS came on February the questior leadership they so in a context ever The Toriks worker coulc smarting sunike. cao sel their 'borrowed time' e dc leaders. sackings, the Tory Hent Tor Iv. the organize, now a ngnt tor alternatve the class- the Labour and d'of the märches, the right wing of the Labour Party, led by Roy Jenkins, was making its bid for leadership. Their aim is to abolish any socialist content from the Labour Party's pro- gramme, and to use the Labour Party as nothing more than a middle-class. reform movement. Behind this declared aim is the sinister face of collaboration with the capitalists in a coalition destroy the to programme working-class movement. Why does the right wing make this open bid at this time? Here again the lessons of the Right-to- Work marches are indispensable.

The right-wing moves because every basic question facing the working class, and especially un- is forcing employment, socialist workers to demand solutions of nationalization. This demand is certain to be reflected in the trade unions and the Labour Party itself. All the middle-class instincts of Jenkins and his friends make them react and prepare in advance against this. was, therefore, essential It that at the end of the marches, the participants should come face-to-face with the crisis right inside the Labour Party and especially the Parliamentary Party. the lobby of Labour MPs At on March 13, one question pre- dominated: how to fight the right Any Labour MP who puts wing. 'unity with the right above these basic class needs is historically doomed to betray. Orme defended Jen- Stanley kins' 'rights' on the grounds that the Labour Party is 'a coalition' This coalition, with the spokes- men for monopoly inside the Party, is undoubtedly the sure road to coalition with the Tory Party, the party of the monopo- lists. At this point, then, all the lessons political and theoretical learned along the march were brought together in a rich ex- perience. All along the hundreds of miles travelled, the old bans and proscriptions against the Young Socialists had been brought out by the right wing, but had been aside. For example, the brushed Harrow Trades Council received the

TUC

circular instructing them to give no assistance to the marchers and pointing out the Young Socialists was a proscribed organization. The circular was torn up, and the Trades Council provided accommodation as well as laying on a welcoming meet- ing. Certainly the bureaucracy at Transport House will try to stem The moves to expel the tide. Phil Bond, Labour chairman of the Skelmersdale Town Council, show this very well. But many, many workers, through the inter- vention of the marchers, have understood the contrast between these witch-hunts and the treat- ment of Jenkins and the right wing. Very straightforward and apparently simple lessons are the most important ones, now just because the issues are so basic. The Labour Party-right as well as left - and the Com- munist Party have no policies on such unemployment, because policies require inroads into capi- talist ownership, and their resort to lies and witch-hunting only exposed this the more. Many Communist Party as well as Labour Party members defied their leadership and helped the Right-to-Work marches. Capitalist crisis forces these bureaucracies to the right, and at this point the intervention of the revolutionary is de- party cisive. From the crisis of reform- ism and Stalinism must come not disintegration and defeat, but the building of a new leadership, the ability to learn from setbacks as well as victories. This is what the marches have begun to do.

The crisis inside the existing organizations of the working class is caused by the conflict between, one hand, the needs of on the the capitalist class, and on the other, the striving of the working class for political independence.

The building of the revolutionary party, implemented in the Right- to-Work marches, proceeds only through this material contradic- tion. The marchers insisted over and over again, as they met the labour movement in every area, that the only way to defend the right to work was to prepare politically to force Tory the government out of office. It was not a question of asking for measures which would bring more jobs, or of improving the lot of the unemployed. Time and again supporters of the marchers compared and con- trasted them to the Hunger Marchers of the 1930s. They recognized first of all the youth of the • marchers, secondly the aggressive nature of their de- mands, and thirdly their com- pletely different political quality.

Besides this change, there was another transformation. In the 1963 period of unemployment, Trotskyists in the the Young Socialists movement (then in the Labour Party) had organized the unemployed youth, intervened in the trade union lobbies of parlia- ment on the question, and won the majority leadership in the YS at the Easter Conference of that year. At that stage, however, Wilson and the right wing were able to carry out wholesale ex- pulsions in 1964 and temporarily cut the YS off from the adult movement: it was necessary to set up the YS independently of the Labour Party and then turn it into the trade unions.

The struggle to do this has now made possible our Right-to- Work campaign under conditions working where class is the quickly changing, and the youth are recognized by many older workers as the core of the new and necessary alternative revolu- tionary leadership. This is the meaning of the breach made by the 'young marchers in the regime of bans and proscriptions.

The demand for the right to work has been criticized by some self-proclaimed Marxists (in the International Socialism and Militant groups) as a reformist demand. But what reforms are possible under capitalism in 1972 which could guarantee this right?

It is a transitional demand. To fight for the right to work today means to pose the question of state power and revolutionary in- roads into capitalist property. And this takes a very concrete political form, a determined by our historical can- definite ditions: the young unemployed fight to bring the organized, the employed, into the struggle to make the Tory government re- sign and return a Labour govern- ment pledged to socialist policies.

In the course of this the new revolutionary leadership is being built. This was the political essence of the Right-to-Work marches.

Without the fight to bring down the Tory government and a Labour government, return without the fight to transform the Socialist Labour League into a the slogan revolutionary, party, 'right to work' would be reform- ist, and in this period meaning- less. It would represent nothing than the right to be more exploited. But today this demand flows together with the growing tendency of workers to answer redundancies closures and by sit-ins. factory occupations and The demand for workers' control to private and the challenge property in the means of pro- duction are now the only answer to the basic need of the working class to keep their jobs.

Because the question of power is posed in this way the success of the Right-to-Work marches must be seen as the first step in a new and accelerated political process. As the Tories take ad- vantage of the breathing-space offered them by the TUC after the miners' strike, in order to prepare yet more savage attacks, building of the alternative revolutionary leadership is now the No 1 question for all those in, supported who participated and understood the Right-to- Work marches. has been The campaign a mortal blow to the false, middle- class professional 'revolutionary' groups. After all, their frantic condemnations of the SLL as and "dogmatic'-con- 'sectarian' demnations gratefully echoed by capitalist press—they find the isolated completely themselves and confronted by a Trotskyist movement able to intervene on the decisive issues. The 'state capitalist" manoeuvre requesting that their banners be carried on our marches was ex- posed as a blatant and pathetic attempt to jump on on the band- wagon and transform a revolu- tionary movement into a reform- ist protest. Right-to-Work marches The were, literally, a new generation on the march: a new generation, confidently challenging the old reformist and Stalinist leaders.

learned This generation one thing above all. This was that it can come forward and take its rightful place only on the basis of the past conquests of the working class and of Marxist theory. At every stage, it was study Marxist necessary to theory, to learn through the Marxist method from every ex- perience, to understand where our movement had come from in the struggle against reformism, Stalinism and revisionism.

What marched in this cam- paign the Fourth Inter- was national, founded by Trotsky in 1938 as the continuation of the teaching of Marx and Engels, of Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, of the Octaber Revolution and the early years of the Communist International. This is what frightened the reformists and the Stalinists: the banner at the head of the Right- to-Work marches, fighting on the transitional demands of the Charter of Basic Rights, was the banner of the Fourth Inter- national.

WORK

017

King Faisal of Saudi Arabia Is one of ti Islam, oil, and the CIA are the basic ingredients of Saudi Arabia, whose Royal family enjoys perhaps the most lavish standard of liv- ing ever known amid some of the worst poverty in the world. Backed by the big US oil cor- porations, the regime of King Faisal is also one of the most oppressive and reactionary gov- ernments in the world. tions a paranoid fear medieval lution goes to medieval lengths to suppress the slightest sign of dissent. In the past few years, accord- ing to reports from Saudis who have fled the country, the repression has reached unpre- cedented heights. King Faisal operates a rigid Koranic code of laws, backed up by a modern US-trained force of secret police. Execution (or just plain mur- der), amputation of limbs, pub- lic flogging and torture in the many prisons are commonplace punishments in Saudi Arabia.

In the past five years at least 50 and young men women people were publicly beheaded Their heads were displayed in public for 24 hours to deter imitators. Every week about 100 people are flogged in public. These are mainly men and youths. The female victims are flogged in the one of the world's most oppressive and reacti privacy ot prison cells. Saudi Arabia is about the only coun try in the world that continues to use this barbaric punishment.

'crimes' The so-called tor which these punishments are meted out include such can offences as belonging to a trade union, petitioning a minister, asking for an increase in wages or simply reading a 'prohibited' publication. Arrests are frequently • quite arbitrary. In some cases the vic- simply kidnapped. tims are Many are never even charged, let alone brought to trial. Al-Abeed prison has earned the nickname, the 'Bastille'. In the Bastille in the fact it puts shade. Among its inmates are Abdul- Azeez Mo'amer a former min- ister and ambassador to Geneva; Yousof Ya'koub, a lawyer who published the now-banned 'New Fajre' Salesh Az- newspaper; Zeed, a trade union leader; Azdul Rahman Mansour, ex-director- general of the Ministry of Lab- our, and many others. Most of the detainees were imprisoned on 'order' from an the Minister of the Interior. Such orders supersede the few laws with which the Royal Family rule the 4 million Saudi Arabs.

The imprisonment of members of the Workers Committee at the Aramco Oil Company was made under an order of this sort 1953. By a stroke of his pen the min- ister has since renewed the order for another 20 years.

Since 1969 the repression has and reactionary rulers. been stepped up and the secret police strengthened. This has intensified the terror. The vic- include oil workers like tims Abdul Rahman Khreiyf, students like Noura al-Aisa and farmers like Ahmad al-Baqui. Many academics have also been flung into jail, like Prof Nuri Keshmiri of the faculty of engineering science at the Uni- versity of Riadh and Dr Salh technologist Anba, a petroleum from . Al-Dhahran College. Other victims include military leaders and government officials.

To escape the terror, many Saudis have fled the country and the regime has now adopted a system of hostages to prevent this exodus. It is now customary to jail a brother for the escape of his brothers and a wife for the departure of her husband.

Saudi Arabia is not simply a benighted and backward part of the world. Its absolute monarchy was established in 1925 when King Saud, Faisal's father was installed on the throne. It is kept in being to suit the book of the big oil companies, who com- pletely dominated the Saudi eco- nomy. Trained and financed by the Central Intelligence Agency, the Saudi secret police is in business to protect the profits of the oil magnates and keep Saudi Arabia free from revolution so that shareholders in London and Washington can sleep soundly in their feather. beds. Workers Press, Monday March 27, 1972 PAGE 5

ITALIAN

NEO-FASCISTS

SET UP IN

VORSTERLAND

It would seem that Italy's neo- Ascani (42), a laboratory tech- fascist party, the MSI, recently nician the Atlas Aircraft at brought into the Corporation, news by its Johannes- involvement in violence and by He says the purpose of the the announcement that

NATO

admiral is to stand as party branch in S Africa is to one of its election candidates, recruit support for the parent is not confining its activities in Italy, undertake party to to Italy work among Italian immigrants, to help The MSI-Movimiento Soci- communist influence in Africa ale Italiano has recently and to explain apartheid to opened a branch in S Africa Italians settling in S Africa which is reported have to told reporters that fas- He recruited hundred several cists did not bully people. 'We Most of them, memers. Mind you, slade had another to persuade them apparently, Italian ex- alc of who decided prisoners war Hitler today, I think the world S Africa after the stay in would be a better place.'

last war. Fascists like this must feel Leader of the S African sec- have found a they real beL' tion, which calls itself the Tri- ond home with the other color Committee for admirers of the Fuehrer in the Italians all over the World, is Roberto apartheid state.

SAUR

OH SACRILEGE!

S African Prime Minister John Vorster (above) has expressed his strongest disapproval of a proposed pop festival to be held near Johannesburg on Good Friday and Easter Sunday. Vorster said in a statement that it was unheard of for such be held Good an event to Friday a Sunday and on complaints had reached him.

I wish to express my strongest disapproval and I trust that the organizers of the festival will not proceed with it, he said. The Prime Minister said he had instructed investigations whether such an event could be held on a Good Friday or a Sunday. If it appeared legal, there would be consultations with provincial and local authorities with a view to putting an end to disturbances of this kind, he said.

PAGE 6 Workers Proza, Monday March 27, 1972 A letter from Yugoslavia by our own correspondent cepts of class struggle left.

Two months without The the 'causes' of enough. wor mals reason was long the strike were understood mainly Elektronska workers at 'unrealistic demands' •dis- work Industrija refused satisfaction', but with no the to world crisis any longer. Tererence which is hitting the 'open' Yugo- We will never know how many slav economy so badly. 20,000 of the firm's employees Officially there over actually stayed out, how many 300.000 unemployed in Yugo- did nothing to work and The slavia. Teres and how many actually

WOT POL

those that are actually asking for published one The press has not work. word about the strike. Nobody knows the real num- For the casual observer there but it could easily be twice ber, was no sign of the strike except as large. the unusual delay of the firm's first In than Workers start their addition more bus. working shift early in the million Yugoslavs are abroad. them up 7 am. and buses Dick at different points in the city at The crisis in W Europe is now 6am. throwing thousands of these Yugo- strike the During six-day the migrant workers hack to for the workers 30 slavia month looking for bus waited every of Everybody tries to explain or an the usual few minutes. the crisis in Yugoslavia as due to Nobody seems 'lack of liquidity'. I succeeded in discussing with to be able to explain why there worker in the factory, the firms. All money in firmo doing semi- pregnant Woman are heavily in skilled work. Her husband, nobody seems to know why.

Belgrade of law in ctncent University, proudly wearing with Lenin's silhouette on The chaotic his jacket, has small grant situation which hardly supplements the £20 home every month. she be brings into which not been dinia inhe have Yugoslavia Christmas. Not one dinar. factory has no money. From the has fallen refused end of February we have to continue working until we get paid.' To explain why would involve did of the not ask ask called lest res any condemnation| covere the re- which then because chaotic situation into mark of an older woman working fallen thanks Yugoslavia has to said: who catastrophic the bureaucracy's canother 'When there is trouble in my The of •Market policies. laws don't like to talk. factory Socialism' are just as severe like scandal.' of 'Market Capitalism'. don't those older learned this Inter As competition between Yugo- had been refused work in woman firms and with foreign firms slav electronics firm because her was increased, making Yugoslavia hands sweat out of fear she might most 'open' one job. not get the the same extent economies, But as the strike went on the precarious economy was made talk had new opportunities only some more vulnerable while and get a better feeling of what firms and some regions developed.

a strike is in Yugoslavia.

and 'There is nothing published in Privileges of bureaucracy because nobody high income the newspapers шагА The increased, all with rationaliz- knows what ation frequently phrased as: "The strike has no organization.

There sharing the union alternative is no strike committee, benefit? We has nothing to do. By ourselves But what might as well allow some regions, we don't want to go to the news- get might lose our job some fume nennle to papers; come richer, we shall get some progress after that.' of asked about a It a provision this way.' which the in So, for states that factory is made scapegoats WAr rAre are financial trouble, the Commune' the 'reality' of the world market (local council) is obliged to cover crisis. in to 60 per cent of the wages sixth dav of the On the The answer was simple. Elektronska strike the workers has information Commune no The delivered an factory's troubles about the public if would be made strike either. they were not paid. The director Yugoslav firms are very inde- and the administration were pendent administratively and the with dema gie promises. The workits recond- workers' income depends directly on the firm. In this workers are the fony stimulated to work were for the month of Tanuary. but can also black- harder, 'scandal' Ven additiox everye warror mailed that any may box tea, and two given hurt the firm and thus their rickets orders were furio cinemat income. workers were furious, I learned that the strike was successful- the desperate situation drove the 100-Der-cent not majority to call for a return to 'there are some people that like director's ass' but work. lick the This sort of problem underlines the strike strong and was tasks importance involved a growing majority revolutionary cadres the workers. degenerated workers' states. The isolated This strike is not an level political consciousness Recently in Dostoencen event. working 'sociologists' one gathering of from of the clace ic in very fundamental aspect far all over Yugoslavia nd from including the foreign countries, Through the revolutionary pro- strike discussed capitalism, cess working of class has taken an Yugoslay irreversible forward impregnated «tAn Social property can only be.

class. functionalism and pragmatism. violent counter- There hint of the con- overthrown no The privileges of the bureaucracy imperialist revolution or by intervention. The ceaseless efforts of bureaucracy to undermine the institutions efforts of the ceaseless But to undermine the bureaucracy institutions set up by the social revolution do have an effect on especially the working class, since this class has been deprived of revolutionary leadership.

It is obvious that no spontan- eous class development can lead confrontation any definitive to and not even with bureaucracy raise the level of present con- flicts to a high political under- standing. One can even say that, in the absence of the revolution- leadership, the negative ary lessons of this confrontation may outweigh the positive ones.

The strength of bureaucratic rationalizations cannot be under- Yugoslavia in estimated. In bureaucratic the develoned particular, leadership has relatively sophisticated ideology to disguise its counter-revolution- aucracy have been steadity incres ary role. The official ideology has directly confronted the issue of bureaucracy even more efficiently than in the USSR. For the Yugoslav theoreticians, such as Kardjeli, bureaucracy is inevitable the consequence centralism. State control means of production is denounced in the end •which 'étatism', as capitalism' simply 'state means as they explicitly write.

So even if they are careful not the expression use capitalism' in official documents, one can find this term in their political and economic literature.

Socialism can only be the social organization where workers con- trol production directly. This we may agree, but only provided one clearly states what workers' con- trol is. For the ruling bureau- control workers' cracy, management, and, for workers' that management matter, groups of workers isolated factories, the not by a whole. The unity of class as the working class goes necessarily together with their organization and central control , which implies over production, planning. All these things taboo in Yugoslavia. In this way, workers in the ' factory Control in efective ter variety of mergers. direct resign agers as reeds to weakenis. obstacle control by magemen and No amount of bureaucratic rationalization will bring back private property Presen institutiona sing vass. In the social irreversiblity poverty is He is depicted as property. No amount of bureau- fellow, cratic rationalization will bring pathetic Christian and back private property. The only other hand we are introdı means is counter-revolution or two men with faces, whose political ide But counter-revolution is not a given, threat. As distant suspects them of being ok bureaucracy feeds chaos and Their sans. and privileged a vast Ustashi suspect is the ma caste of professionals, shop- of the ject and other managers knifing parasites, the ideology of fascism him. finds increasing support.

Under the cover of C the fascist "Ustashi', tolerance, born organization film makers to be pardon with the war, is active and work- non-vindictive ing on a broad front. Ustashi. The irony is tl shown in Their terrorist attacks, such as film is capital of Croatia. It the blowing up of a 'Jat' aircraft and the derailment of trains, are show only one Ustashi bomb had killed widely publicized. Ustashi has Croat Com- one of the passengers of : friends within the airliner over Czech munist Party and within sections slav of the Croat youth. territory. A significant detail about this They do take care th made in a film was asked to open my b about this matter. when I entered the cinem The film depicts a man who Only a few weeks bef returned to Yugoslavia after 25 opened Croat film exile in Australia. supported by the Ustashi town know his round, gathered large 1 relatives were killed by the Nazis of students, small pro So, despite his shopkeepers, lumpen he is suspected as an professionals Workers Prosa, Monday demonstration parasites in through the centre of Zagreb.

the The suppressed army demonstration, causing an un- known number of deaths, injuries and The Belgrade press arrests. carried little about information the demonstration but witnesses in Zagreb told me they had seen dead bodies. the Zagreb In suppressing the bureaucracy march, was the defending itself from con- sequences of its distinte- own grating policies. Leaders of the Croatian Communist League were arrested thrown out of their The bureaucracy knows posts. that the fascist counter-revolu- tion also threatens their position form unless they themselves part of the fascist conspiracy.

This is the contradictory way in which, as Trotsky pointed out, the bureaucracy defends, with its own methods, the institutions of the workers' states. The bureaucracy is defending which is untenable. a status quo It is trapped between the fascist conspiracy and its desire to col- laborate with imperialism, just as it is trapped between the institu- tions of the working class whose control it has usurped and hostile working class. But the dangerous most development for bureaucracy is the conscious organization of the working Today. Yugo- class. in slavia it is possible to find some publications left-wing elements, particularly in intellec- tual circles. In fact one can even find two thick books by Trotsky himself. 'Life, Nature and Revolution' and collection of historical a writings have been published and seen in the largest book- can be shops. But the secret police quickly suppress any attempt to organize by revolutionary intellectuals or workers. Just two weeks ago the announced that newspapers "Trotskyist elements' had been arrested. They have been charged with •disturbing the public' and 'attempting the to overthrow orders No established informa- tion is available about what they actually did. This new crime of bureaucracy must be condemned of bureau- crime This new must be condemned. cracy suppressing revolutionary bureaucracy will thought, the only hasten its own crisis.

the left- Important among Yugoslav critics of the wing Mihailo Marko- bureaucracy is vich, professor of philosophy at Belgrade University. His long and sustained work degenera- bureaucratic against tion cannot and should not limit criticism. the sharpness

OUT

have Markovich's writings not translated been unfortunately English and the little into the information we have limits scope of our criticism. magazine The French la Société', pub- «L'Homme et its October-December lished in 1968 edition a short article by which provides some Markovich useful material. The first surprising fact in the stark reality. whole article, entitled "The possi- is depicted as a very sym- bilities of superseding bureau- post-capitalist society', sensitive, in the is that not a single reference is On on. hand we are introduced to the international con- made to unshaven, hostile text, therefore the phenomena of whose political identity is bureaucracy is understood ex- clearly a national basis. but one clusively on ets them of being old parti- determines the This, in my view, whole thinking of Markovich.

hostility forces of the inter- hi suspect is the main sub- As the end national struggle and the They up class killing and revolutions' 'period of wars not referred by Lenin are left to of the aside, the categories Christian rigid and become analysis one is asked by the mechanic. nakers to be pardoning and despite its un- This occurs towards the doubted proximity to a correct that the The irony is formulation. Zagreb, the When the world process of the It went on aside, is left capitalist crisis week after a categories such as material back- hi bomb had killed all but social wardness and immature of the passengers of a Yugo- development become absolute and over Czechoslovak invincible forces. that context, according to In I do take care though. the reactionary role Markovich, open my briefcase be of bureaucracy even can . I entered the cinema. transformed into its opposite, into a relatively progressive force. Let weeks before the quote him carefully: Croat separatists, In an underdeveloped society, orted by the Ustashi under- divided, disintegrated and gathered large numbers takes sharp struggle small proprietors, which between individual elements, place lumpen which the cul- privileged interests, and in and kora Prose, Monday March 27, 1872 PAGE 7 ture of the masses is at such a democratic loW takes institution form and becomes a mystification of real social relations; in such society it is almost impossible to avoid bureaucratic degeneration of the victorious movement.'

Markovich was careful to use the word 'almost', but it is clear that if a correct analysis of the complex process of the inter- national crisis and class struggle had been taken as a framework -as the most concrete form of analysis - then the conclusion would have been entirely different and devoid of any 'near inevit- ability. But Markovich has made such abstraction and the conclusion is inevitable: 'One should add that this process, under such historical conditions, cannot be described as a simple degeneration.

'Bureaucracy satisfles certain essential needs of the revolution itself. Bureaucracy is the only social force which in the given situation, can radically eliminate the feudal leftovers, assure eco- nomic, cultural social accelerated development, regulate all production and substitute the free play of market forces, co- ordinate and integrate all elements of society in the name of general social interest, without leaving aside at the same time their own particular interests?

Bureaucracy is thus not seen constantly as a parasitic caste, undermining the development of productive forces made possible social revolution, but as by the the 'only social force' capable of developing productive forces.

Half of the population is composed of peasants source of Markovich's The de facto apology for bureaucracy lies in his understanding of the revolutionary party itself.

earlier paragraph, he an makes this very clear: In fact, in an underdeveloped and non-integrated country with large industrialization and carbon- ization projects (which are tasks of the bourgeois society), when half of the population is com- posed of peasants, and when the working class is half. illiterate, almost with democratic tradi- tions, in such conditions it is the victorious revolutionary party which creates bureaucracy...

of the "While the abolition the bour- private property geoisie as a class implied a real dialectical negation, the develop- ment following the break was presented by the new dominant social harmonious group as a growth, as a construction, as an extension and increase of pro- ductivity, the of of quality merchandize, of the increase in economic and the number cultural institutions, etc.

"Dialectical thought was replaced by a quasi-Marxist thought, but in fact essentially positivist and functionalist thought? But Markovich Quite. …com- avoids the struggle for pletely Marxism within the leadership of the revolutionary party and does not link development of revision- ism into positivism or function- alism to the struggle of Stalin himself. The struggle for Marxism, for.

materialism, did dialectical not succumb in a simple process reflecting the presence of hostile material and social-historical forces. Trotsky maintained to his death the struggle for Marxism, for the continuity of Bolshevism.

No inevitable process was implied. Not to recognize the struggle that took place and which we ourselves continuing in are theory and in practice under the : leadership of the International Committee of the Fourth Inter- inevitably national, implies a worship of the "process', the fetishism of 'objective factors', irreversibilities' or 'near inevitabilities'. From such a standpoint, does inescapably, arrives Markovich, at finding the sources of bureaucracy in the party itself, and finally at finding a progressive role for buréaucracy itself. Pablo and the Unified Secre- tariat, as well numerous as revisionist elements i of the so- called 'new left' have similar views and in such a way provide a useful cover for bureaucracy everywhere.

PAGE & Workers Press, Monday March 2

BY TOM KẸMP

Ten years ago, on March 18, 1962, the national liberation war in Algeria was brought to an end when a French government delegation and the Algerian provisional gov- ernment signed the Evian agreement. which had begun The war, with the uprising of November, 1954, had imposed tremendous sacrifices on the Algerian people; scarcely a family did not have a member killed, wounded or tor- tured by the forces of French im- perialism. The masses fought with a courage derived from the fact that theirs was an elemental struggle for land and bread against a cruel exploiter prepared to resort to mass killing and torture. In the closing stages of the French 'colons' war the re- doubled their efforts to cling on to their privileges with the aid of the gangsters of the OAS (Organization Armee Secrete). They had become enraged as a result of President de Gaulle's evident intention to do a deal with the FLN (Front National de Liberation) in order to safe- guard French investments in the petroleum and other resources in N Africa. From its inception the war aggravated the crisis in French society during the 1950s. It was the uprising in the settlers May 1958, with its threat of a military dictatorship in France, which decided the panic-stricken politicians of the Third Republic to hand over power to the strong man, General de Gaulle. With the efforts to end the war by a military victory failing com- pletely, the growing with Un - popularity of the war in France and its mounting costs burdening the economy, de Gaulle decided, in 1962, to seek a settlement with the FLN leadership. De Gaulle had to face opposi- tion from the settlers in Algeria and from a section of the army which twice tried to overthrow his regime. However, assured Charles de Gaulie y March 27, 1972 that the Communist Party and the CGT union would fight might and main to prevent any link-up between the French working class and the Algerian revolution, de Gaulle was able to open negotia- tions. The Communist Party's record during the Algerian war is a confirmation of its complete counter-revolutionary character. On one famous occasion when conscripts took matters into their own hands and tried to prevent trains carrying soldiers for em- barkation, the Party opposed the movement with its usual cry of 'provocation'. CP policy, besides opening the way for de Gaulle coming to power, strengthened the control FLN's petty-bourgeois leadership over the forces of the Algerian revolution. Despite the adoption of the 'socialist' Tripoli this leadership had programme, intention of overthrowing no capitalist property relations in Algeria. One thing is clear about the Evian The • FLN agreements. leadership, whatever it may have said subsequently, was happy to reach a compromise with French imperialism. When de Gaulle made it clear what he wanted, it was more than ready to meet him halfway. At the time of the Evian agreement 'The Newsletter', fore- runner of Workers Press, said: This settlement is the most cynical deal which a nationalist leadership has ever made with a colonial power.' The Evian agreement followed two years of contacts and nego- tiations French between the and the FLN. In government February 1962, in a telephone conversation with Louis Toxe, leader of the French delegation, de i Gaulle defined his aims as follows: •The essential thing is to reach an agreement, including a cease- fire and then self-determination, such once an agreement no longer means sudden upheavals in the present conditions relative to the material and political interests of the Europeans, the French military presence Algeria, the practical conditions Hovart Boumedienne Top: The FLN In Algeria. Bottom: Fren under which the exploitation of is taking petroleum and gas place, lastly, the economic, tech- nical and cultural relations be- tween Algeria and the metropo- lis.' Nothing could be clearer. The FLN accepted these terms. What followed was not entirely of its making, but-arose out of the last- ditch stand . of the colons, backed up by the OAS. As a result of this final confrontation, most of the Europeans in Algeria took fright and fled to France.

Taking advantage of the situa- tion the new Algerian regime, whose head at the time was Ben Bella, was able to take over the colons' and thus property acquire a revolutionary coloura- tion for what was essentially a transfer of power to the Algerian bourgeoisie by arrangement with the French. ten years which have In the elapsed since the conclusion of the Evian it agreement, apparent that while some of its clauses were soon breached or have since become inoperative, it carried out in a • broadly way satisfactory to both sides what it was intended to do. In historical retrospect the importance of the Evian agree- ment was that it enabled French imperialism itself to extricate from a difficult situation. If the war had continued, its revolu- tionary impact was bound, sooner or later, to make itself felt in France. Opposition to the war was growing. tom: French army murdering an Algerian natlor Attempts by the Communist Party link-up prevent a the working between class and the colonial revolution were becoming increasingly ineffective.

With the Evian agreement de Gaulle bought some valuable postponing the explosion time, until 1968. In the meantime-the .

European settlers' interests were sacrificed and those of the petroleum companies safeguarded.

Once the national bourgeoisie used French Algeria had financial and economic aid to consolidate its position, it was able to bargain for better terms than Evian offered or simply take action contrary to the agree- ment. This was the case with the which were. petroleum reserves nationalized in 1970. If French imperialism had to meet a heavier bill than it would have liked to pay to end the Algerian war and postpone the threat of revolution, that does not mean that the FLN and the bourgeoisie Algerian national justified in signing the were accords. Like the French im- perialists, they had had enough of war and recognized its revo- lutionary implications. Evian was, therefore, an opportunity not to be missed. The new balance of forces which emerged after 1962 follow- ing the departure of I million European settlers-whose con- tinued presence in the country had been assumed by the Evian agreement-enabled the national bourgoisie to win further con- cessions. It made a clean sweep of ad- ministrative positions and repidly ensconced itself in the dependent rlan nationalist in 1956 capitalist economy of Algeria.

•Algerian leadership's The rhetoric about the popular and socialist revolution cannot dis- guise the fact that Algeria re- mains dependent on imperialism.

Its institutions and economy are of a consistent with the rule bourgeois class and the continued exploitation of the masses.

revisionist supporters of The Michel Pablo, who had been wholehearted supporters of the FLN leadership, greeted the new regime with fulsome praise. Pablo himself hastened to Algiers_ to become an adviser to the Ben Bella government. The proclama- tion of Algeria as a new workers' state appeared to be imminent.

Unfortunately, things did not work out as the revisionists had anticipated. The regime moved to the right. Ben Bella was removed.

Under Boumedienne the regime's essentially bourgeois character has been amply confirmed.

While the Algerian bourgeoisie has moved into the settlers' jobs and houses, the masses have little to show for the enormous sacri- fices of the national liberation struggle. "Self-management' and reform proved equally agrarian deceptive. Most workers and peasants have lapsed into indifference after enthusiasm the revolutionary which had greeted the victors in 1962. The carrying through of the Algerian revolution as part the world-wide struggle against imperialism is the task of the Fourth International.

BY JOHN SPENCER

Workers Press long has warned about the opportunist and thoroughly unprincipled character of the British Com- munist Party's 'opposition' to the Common Market. Their opposition is based the bureaucratic entirely on interests of the Kremlin ruling clique. It has nothing to do with the requirements of the work- its ing class in • combat with monopoly capitalism. Leonid Brezhnev's Moscow speech last Monday indicates that the Soviet Union is prepared to recognize the Common Market in return for agreement from the W to its counter-revolution- ary plans for a European Secu- rity Conference. This marks major turn in Soviet policy, which has previ- ously refused to have any deal- ings with the EEC. The Stalin- of the Soviet Union ist rulers have clearly come to the conclu- sion that collaboration with an enlarged Common Market against the revolutionary workers of profitable Europe will be more than continued opposition.

It is the price they must pay in trying to achieve ratification of their detente with German capitalism and their goal of 'col- lective security' in Europe.

Brezhnev. told the Moscow meeting that 'certain forces' in the W were opposing the detente and inventing 'various pretexts' to avoid it. In otherwords the bureaucracy has met various obstacles in its pursuit of the Security Confer- Brezhnev slammed the ence. 'absurd idea that the proposal to hold the conference and our policy in Europe in general are directed at laying a mine under the European economic com- munity or as it is usually called the Common Market'. This idea, he said, evidently clarification. required certain a Soviet Union is far from "The ignoring the actually existing situ- ation in W Europe, including the existence of such an economic grouping of capitalist countries and its evolution. 'Our with partici- relations pants in this grouping, naturally will depend on the extent to which they, on their part, recog- nize the realities existing in the socialist part of Europe, specifi- cally the interests of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon). We are for equality in economic relations and against discrimination' The European monopolists who dominate the Common Market would have to be blind as well to recognize the as deaf not elements of the deal Brezhnev is proposing in this key passage of his speech. He is saying: we are quite pre- pared to conspire with you against the workers of W Europe SO long as you agree to recognize our arrangements over here.

This is the authentic voice of Stalinist counter-revolution. Hav- ing spent gallons of ink and tons of paper denouncing the EEC in the most virulent terms, Brezhnev suddenly discovers the virtues of collaboration with the Common Market monopolists. At a stroke, the Kremlin has made the British Stalinists' hys- terical anti-EEC campaign a back number. But from the point of view of the British CP leadership, the turn will make little difference.

For them, it was always a ques- tion of which • section of the bourgeoisie to support. The the CP's character 'opposition' to British entry was well shown on October 24 last, when the Stalinists marched through London alongside the National Front and extreme right- wing Tories. ' Workers Press car- ried the following story the day after the demonstration: •wriMembers of the British Com: Top: Brezhnev. Above : Gollan. What wl Party munist and the extreme right-wing National Front marched through London yester- "No to the Com- day shouting mon Market". Forty trade union delegations, more than a score of councils and dozens of trades Communist Party and Young Communist League branches swung down Oxford St under a flutter of Union Jacks.' The march was later described by the Anti-Fascist Research Group as showing 'a TOTAL FAILURE to oppose the National Front even though the first real signs of resentment at their would certainly have presence warned them off, given their tiny turn-out compared to the hund- reds of members of anti-fascist around political organizations them'. This experience exposed for all who cared to notice the reaction- rary and jingoistic character of the... exy n. What will they say next?

Stalinists' position on the EEC. It was rubbed in by Party secre- tary John Gollan at an anti- Market rally a few days after the London march. 'Drive out the Tory cabinet of saboteurs', , he said, in a speech which nowhere even hinted at a campaign to make the Tories resign. From the same platform as other European Stalinist leaders, Gollan produced the CP's chief reason for opposition to British entry into the EEC. He called, according to the 'Morning Star' for 'a Europe, E and W, in mutual declared that 'This, not the cold war Common Market, Is the way forward for Britain and Europe Now it appears that the 'Cold War Common Market' has its all place in the Stalinist scheme of reaction after all. King St can be the expected to. ah. into be se 44..... ".....15* Workers Press, Monday March 27, 1972 PAGE 9 Catherwood, former boss of NEDDY, now managing direc- tor of John Laing; Lord Shaw- cross, one-time Attorney- Worried about crime in New General, now a director of York and London? Well they including

BSA,

companies won't even let me rest in peace EMI, Shell, and' Thames Tele- in Warsaw! vision; and the Hon Angus It seems a well-organized Ogilvy, of Lonrho, Bank of gang, operating under cover of London and S America, and the Rank Organization. (His thefts of tombstones from the missus, Princess Alexandria is cemeteries there. The stones Chancellor of Lancaster Uni- fetch high prices on Poland's versity.) thriving black market. As reported in last Satur- particular target for the day's Workers Press, students at Lancaster University have cemetery, taken strike action to demon- which contains some strate their backing for some graves, and covers an area of staff in the English department, ten square miles. It is looked who they feel have been un- after by one caretaker, 81-year- fairly treated. English Starting in the affectionately as 'Pinie'.

department, the strike has According to a correspond- spread right across the univer- ent of the Dutch Jewish news- sity. To make it really effective, Israelitisch the students did not rely on a Weekblad', the cemetery is also general union meeting, but held individual of meetings, depart- series operators who desecrate graves ment by department, for stud- to look for gold teeth, or for ents and staff to discuss and and money jewellery which vote on strike action. they think might have been resound- The result was a hidden during the wartime By last Friday, ing 'yes'. the occupation. majority of university depart- Meanwhile, because of a ments had come out, ranging shortage of marble, the gangs and from classics, sociology 20.000 get between and can through to chemistry and 40,000 zloty (about £1,900 to physics. And, as the students' £3,800) for a tombstone load, radio station, 'Radio Bailrigg', from the black market opera- atmosphere reminiscent in- an tors. of a General Election, gave out Tombstone raiders generally the results from depart- each operate in the newer parts 'constituency', in mental the cemetery, where the stones discs. of between whoops are in better condition. amazed jubilation went up at news that the 'Financial the Control Department has come We are hesitant to publicize it sparks off a this, in case versity are now eagerly await- panic on the stock market.

which ing any remarks vice- Chancellor Carter might have The Department of Financial Control ,at Lancaster Univer- to offer about the strike being sity is part of the university's the handiwork of a 'small Business School, and has been group of militants'. assumed until recently to be To make matters worse, the for loyal breeding ground striking Financial Controllers a pillars of the capitalist estab- are joining in efforts to run an 'alternative lishment. university' during The Department is closely the strike. Their contribution Interna- associated with the is to hold a seminar on the pos- Centre of Research of 'financial control tional in sibilities Accounting, which it launched without the profit making'.

last year with the help of finan- It remains to be seen cial backing from big business whether such a concept would (Among commend itself to the backers the direc- sources. was the Rank Group, which tors of Ranks and Courtaulds!

promised to cough some The historically-minded are up The £100,000.)

ICRA

has speculating on the wide- now board of trustees which effects which might ranging besides Lancaster's reverberate from news of includes, C. F. vice-chancellor, Mr strike in the business school, Carter, such figures as Sir Basil to the making allusions way Smallpiece, who is on the nervous investors reacted in Barclays Bank, and 1931 to the news of mutiny in board of was best known in the City another trusted institution of of Cunards: stability, the Royal Navy.

The for his handling Lord Kearton, of the Courtauld effect on the pound was devas- textile empire; Sir Frederick tating!

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PAGE 10 Workers Pross, Monday March 27, 1972 So Dockers can play a key part did the Israeli authorities; because, US mili- particular, in international affairs at tary equipment being supplied to times; and there have been Israel was being held up by the times when, at various ports strike. around the world, the dockers The purpose of this equipment have taken action to be proud was to Israeli lilallltarl of, in the finest traditions of tion of the conquered Arab terri- tories; to maintain the oppression socialist internationalism.

of Palestinian the Arabs; to London It was strengthen the men on aggressive, reaction- docks who came to the aid state, of chauvinist in alhance ary, the Russian Revolution in 1920 with US imperialism. by refusing to load on the arms How was the strike broken to munitions ship the 'Jolly George'.

shift the arms for Israel?

It was due to sail for Poland, whose forces reactionary were fighting, with British and French backing, against the Soviets. The dockers' action launched a move. -Israel's The Histadrut- trade ment in the British working ciass which forced the government of union and co-operative organiza- has always been closely in- the day to abandon its plans for tion the Zionist leader- with military intervention. tegrated ship of the state, and helped to Perhaps not so well known was further its policies; well as the action of dockworkers at two having close ties between its own United coast ports Lne bureaucratic leadership and the 1930s, States during the who right-wing leaders of the Ameri- refused to load strategic goods, can unions. for Japan, such as scrap metal, In America, there is a Zionist because of the Japanese aggres- body called the National Com- China. sIon against mittee for Labour Israel, which February 1941, under Ger- In raises money for the Histadrut, man Occupation, the dockers of and assists in other ways.

It was Amsterdam started the magnifi. through the National Committee cent General Strike which spread for Labour Israel that an through the Dutch city, in oppo- was made to the ILA approach sition to the Nazi deportation of leadership. the Jews. We will let the 'Jewish we have In recent years seen Chronicle' tell the the 'wharfies' Australian 'Its president, Mr Ted Gleason, dockers-refusing to load Ameri- then pleaded Israel's case before can ships, in protest at the having the strike committee, Vietnam. in realized the country's needs on a In the Bengali Chittagong, visit there. Mr Gleason told the dockers defied the machine guns cannot committee: "You treat of Pakistani rather the army, Israel like any other country. supplies for the than unload For them it is a matter of life or forces of repression. death. This should not request And dockers at an American be considered coming as have refused unload port from a foreign government, but chromium from ore coming labour from a sister organiza- Rhodesia. tion. An action which has to be seen 'Shortly thereafter. the ship in a very different category was with its sailed Haifa cargo to taken by American dockers and the Minister of Defence, Mr during their long strike last year.

Moshe afterwards Dayan, sent the Members of International a personal message of thanks to Longshoremen's Association took Committee.' the instead of helping action which, So, thanks to their confusion- those fighting against oppression due pro-Zionist to the propa- actually helped those maintaining the ganda in American press, Yet it would it. seem that this and to their misplaced idealism— resulted from backward not exploited and abused by the sup- chauvinism or reactionary senti- and but imper all imperialism porters US ments the of the on part thanks Zionism, dockers, a misplaced but from to their rotten union leadership. internationally-minded idealism the dockers had not only broken being and abused exploited by but had their strike, un- own their union leaders. wittingly contributed to the re- pression of the Palestinian Arabs.

We shudder think what to Arab trade unionists must think of this example of 'solidarity'.

In his However, recent articles in we must also say Workers Press, Jack Gale something else about this inci- showed, among other things, how dent. It does demonstrate the crucial the ILA's right-wing leadership had sold out the dockers on more position that workers like these dockers American have than one occasion. can To industrial record must world affairs. And they are not its be added the reactionary and always to be misled by going right-wing leaders like Gleason.

international record of the US Not the crisis of leadership of this union. fact, as only has there been instances of capitalism undermines the class- of with the gangsterism collaborationist policies the connections of the Mafia, union bureaucracy, and the news but also evidence the Longshoremen of connections with the far comes that bigger US gangsterism of are once again entering perialism and the CIA. This sort struggle, this time directly against of influence has been reflected the Nixon Administration, we confidence more than once. can say with every For that the time is rapidly approach- example, it was through ing when, with a different leader- the ILA that the US boycott of Longshoremen Cuba was first launched. ship, decisive the During the strike last year, the play a part in US authorities struggles not only of the Ameri- military became working but of the concerned that military equip- can class ment was piling up in the ports.

working class of the world.

M 204 T

SHIT

Poones RE 2.2: Waterfrom Commission Emplonment Center Not Top: US dockers leaving the Waterfront Commission of New York during a dispute over crewing last year Above: Rogers, US Secretary of State with Moshe Dayan, Israell Minister of Defencé, , who sent a personal dockers' broken. Below: Australlan wharfies who since 1965 of thanks after the strike was have refused to load war materials on ships bound for Vietnam

'Force the Torles to resign!'—the cards go up in Saturday's ACTT conference vo

BY DAVID MAUDE

TRADE UNION

action to force the Tories to is now official resign policy of the 17,000- Association of strong Cinematograph, Tele- vision and Allied Tech- nicians. With only three of the 223 delegates voting the against, annual conference at union's condemned the the weekend Battersby, Roy Freelance shop: present government's attempts 'Firm and unylelding' anti- on to use unemployment as union Aet. weapon against wage demands.

Yesterday the conference called TUC to It called on the 'take all film-industry on unions to any necessary action' to com- for insist on a continuing role bat joblessness. Cor- the National Film Finance poration, This, a composite motion said, which is threatened should mobilizing the include with virtual extinction by the trade union movement to action Tories. this -to force government to In the conference, opening resign-and replace it with

ACTT

George Elvin president Labour committed government said that all the union's rights to socialist policies'. now at risk under the were Earlier on Saturday, the con- Industrial Relations Act.

ference issued a warning to the 'We must press for a General TUC about its talks with the Election and the defeat of the Labour leaders about a substitute government, responsible present Industrial Relations Act. vindictive for this most class legislation,' he said. 'What overwhelmingly-supported we An

ACT

the return of a Labour motion reaffirmed total need is government pledged to repeal the opposition to the Act, called on the TUC unions who Act.' to expel defied have its instruction to steward Roy Freelance shop deregister and demanded a pledge Battersby moved the motion of immediate repeal from the demanding repeal. Labour Party. The class who owned and con- The first day ended with the trolled the means of production financial had made perfectly clear its union changing its the provide it with intention to wage 'war to arrangements to funds end' organized workers, protected from the Tory against he said. 'No compromise is pos- law. The daily paper that leads the fight against the Torles. £20.28 for 12 months (312 Issues) £10.14 for 6 months (156 issues) £5.07 for 3 months (78 issues) If you want to take Workers Press twice a week the rates are: £1.56 for 3 months (24 issues) £6.24 for 12 months (96 issues) Fill in the form below NOW and send to: 186a Clapham High St., Circulation Dept., Workers Press, London, SW4 7UG. I would like to take out a subscription to Workers Press.

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Or . months. Full subscription (six days) for Amount enclosed f lorence vote Donnie Claridge, from Techni- color: 'A socialist economy' sible in this irreconcilable con- He went on: 'The TUC policy is to recommend unions to skate around the Act; to avoid con- trontation with it, not fight to defeat it. 'But our position, if we are to hight for our rights and win better conditions for our mem- bers, has to be absolutely firm, absolutely unyielding.' In seconding the motion, free- lance shop delegate Yvonne Richards said that the union had a duty to stand by members who had to take strike action or imposed overtime bans. "The ruling class has its police, its law, its capital and its army, she said. 'We have only our industrial strength.' London Weekend Television delegate Gavin Waddell called for rejection of the motion. He claimed that throughout the machinery of the Act a pre- requisite of every stage of the compromise and process was conciliation. The campaign of opposition, he declared, was led by a powerful 'armchair revolution- group aries, BBC Bolsheviks, the Lud- of the new left and the dites well-heeled proletarians from the working-class ghettoes of Hamp- stead and Muswell Hill. Four votes were cast against the motion. Dennis Claridge, from the Technicolor shop, said, in moving the composite on unemployment that it was more than a coinci- dence that joblessness and the *Financial Times' index share reached their highest levels on virtually the same day. 'The private-enterprise system has totally failed to deal with unemployment', he said. We have a planned, socialist must économy.' Freelance shop delegate Roger Smith moved an amendment de- manding TUC-led action against the Tories, which was accepted by the movers. Unless trade unionists grappled with the nature of the present crisis, he said, they would go into the fight 'disarmed and unpre- pared'. Since Nixon had ended dollar's convertibility with last August, the period of gold compromise had inflation and come to an end. Peter Ellis, from Kodak's of Harrow, said in supporting both motion and amendment that it was 'obvious we've got to fight 'for a socialist government'.

Workers Pross, Monday March 27, 1972 PAGE 11

BBC 1

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PAGE 12 Workers Preas, Monday March 27, 1972

FIVE

HUNDRED

Works are not noted for their per cent of our workers manager Edward Smailes workers at the Lawrence would get nothing. militancy. has said these issues Scott factory, Open- guarding of prin- shaw, near Manchester,

YOU SUDDISO

We are which have had real trouble the factory ciple on the have become the latest for seven years, Gordon unlike workers at Manchester bosses will of workers not bend.

LOU•

Conquest, chairman bury Steel and Davies their plant in оссиру the stewards, said and Metcolfe. Stocknort. on

SHOT

support of a demand for the weekend they have been executive local

JUL

'But the lads are just denied normal factory employers' federation more pay and shorter facilities. fed up. We have which latelel the Bredbury very rough deal in the Management has boss who did one steelworkers who are engineering refused firmly nego- - Scragg's of Maccles- field -with expulsion. Stockport claims and hours and With LalC

FROM STEPHEN JOHNS

THE

ENORMOUS

trial of strength between 200,000 engineering workers and their bosses opens today in the greater Manchester area.

Output of a total of 1,000 factories is expected to slump 50 by as per cent when workers ban piecework demand for 35-hour week, more holidays and special rights for women.

Employers are expected to hit back with lockouts and workers will three engineering plants.

the mood in the boararooms summed Edward was of the Morton, Emplovers' ASSoCI- The AUEW has recognized the ation in the NW, when he paid

BRIEFLY

weekend firms tribute breabury occupation who have tried to suspend their The full not yet Lemms are employees.

ROLLS-ROYCE

workers from known, but I understand that at He said employers everywhere, three Scottish plants will be least one agreement owe a great debt to those man- a new provides phased wage asked tomorrow lo accoul our agements for their lent Is wage offer. On Saturday 250 shop specifically increse which runs fight'. stewards of 4,500 workers from against union instructions.

Firms expected to react im- Hillington, Blantyre and E Kil- against the bans The Manchester employers have mediately bride voted to accept rises. back- been backed by their and Linotype AEI in Openshaw dated to January 1, of between national federation. In particu- massive £3.25 and £4.75 a week, with on the industrial estate near Salford improved holiday pay and shift lariy, unev nave been ursea nou concessions hours docks. ana overtime allowances. 5,000 Stockport, where throughout

LABOUR

Party workers are already breccutul ule, 2,000 employees at Mirrlees country. Anthony Renn have been warned that will they commited radical out- face action if output falls below of the

AUEW

meets tomorrow will have Dusals certain minimum against firms discuss action look when publisnea in jury. me under their productivity scheme, was the Scottish which have refused to negotiate Party conference at the express Labour on the claim. workers that determinion Dy weekend. The Stalinist-dominated com- they are ready to meet united He said the industrial front mittee has already ejected joint left for too long to the iction by the employers and not had been with Manchester- driven onto the streets. and the Conservatives far has casting vote against coming from une union munists. Ine trade unions should leading Communist Party mem- been Players and cet them earee to weaker play a larger, part in the ber Herbert Howarth. and there stituencies Trade talks There has been one notable he said: Scragg's, succeeds in Moscow agreed to pay f3 and introduced vo ence restorine contence ano a phased shorter working week beginning the real war in NIre- But the plant-by-plant battles land against poverty, unemploy- forced on the engineering workers SENIOR executives from some of ment and discrimination.'

Britain's biggest arms were when the AUEW abandoned the delegation 20-man among national claim —have led to grave which has just visited Moscow weaknesses.

MARCH FUND

In some factories managements to boost trace have „cone ders une Lord backs of local union officials.

I1OST

successiul. Simon's Engineering former President the boare Trade, who led the mission. Its have been

NEEDED IN

would said that businessmen agreements reached have and workers there will not be have to change their methods in today's district-wide they wanted to increase sales in

FIVE DAYS

the Soviet Union. IT CERTAINLY Is a tough battle

LATENEWS

WEATHER

Our month. stands at £736.46 with only live We are sure that days left to go. lines Trafalgar Square you, our readers. will do every.

precedented scale for yesterday's rally on the Embankment. Shout- thing us raise demonstration ing 'Victory to the

IRA'

the anti-internment our march was not supported by the oucested CA- This month more vital it s pected a major battle trades unions and there was only over s ever we develon the inan on Irish assemblies in one Communist Party banner.

Workers Press. On every Issue Trafalgar Square. Ulster, unemployment, anti-union S DISTRICTS will have showers of police nousanes exile Press must or longer periods of rain and lawg_ Workers da special buses were a thes tinue to give a clear lead. As the sunny intervals. special their working class everywhere lights N districts, squally showers posts an hour in advance waiting against harder are likely, with snow over hills back in side streets around une square and perhaps thunder in places. Tory reformist and ine for the five columns to arrive.

Stallnist union leaders crawl Wends will be gees ally strdis- Fifty mounted were before this government. westerly, with gales in Great standing by 118 Workers Press must be used tricts. squads Yard, bulld revolutionary aleT police patrolled Whitehall and the native. Go all out today with Square approaches effort biggest in the N. your make sure this month's Outlook for Tuesday and Wed- been brought in anticipation of We know you will never at raised. Rain showers casualties. down so times and some snow in the N.

let us to Ronforement and the sees Reinforcements Rush your Becoming colder. donations to: of Parliament. Workers Press. March Appeal Fund N 2,000 demonstrators from 186a Clapham High St London contingent of Plough London, SWA 7UG. Proud pham L'London. bereted Provisional IRA marched past double police peacefully AT A MEETING after yesterday's anti-internment demonstration, Socialist Labour League and Young Socialist speakers warned of the dangers involved in the Tory government's direct Westminster rule over N Ireland. imperialists to maintain their Young Socialists' London stranglehold Regional Sarah the Irish Secretary over class-Protestant and Hannigan said that direct rule working 'is nothing more than a danger- Catholic'. ous trap which will permit the And she added: 'The fact that the of Harold it has support Wilson, Gerry Fitt and the other demonstrates how reformists close we are to coalition between the Labourites and the Tories.'

the Socialist Labour While League and Young Socialists had Anti-Intern- marched with the they felt ment League, because the ban their that on using Trafalgar Square a blow was against the English working class, still considered that the they disorientated AIL had seriously working class as to the real the enemy, she said. By not calling for the resigna- Tory tion of the government, they 'have participated in Catholic and Protes- fusing the tant working class just as they when they welcomed did in 1969 the British troops in Ulster'.

*Both the Civil Rights move- Provisional IRA, ment and the like the reformists, have never called for working-class joint action to make the Tories resign

BIRMINGHAM

Battery and they believe that the because Metal Company workers are ex- Tory government can provide a pected to vote today to continue satisfactory solution to the class their ten-day-old strike. The 350 struggle in Ulster,' said Comrade

AUEW

demanding members are Hannigan. points of the all national eight The And she concluded: "To col- claim. strike has be endorsed by to support in any the district com- laborate or which direct rule in Ulster today meets on way Wednesday. would be the greatest treachery to the English and Irish working class. RAIL fares in London and the 'We say that only the mobiliza- tion this working class to SE went up yesterday—in some areas by as much as 26 per cent.

make the Tory government Fares in the rest of Britain will the conditions resign can create go up on April 23. for a real settlement in Ulster.'

dR TO WORK

DEAL TO LONDON

YOUNG SOCIALISTS

RIGHT TO WORK

SWANSEA TO LONDON

1972

"RUNG SOCIALISTS

RIGHT TO WORK

EROTOLONDON

WHO WORK

GLASGOITO LONDOT

1972 YOUNG SOCIALISTS 12th ANNUAL CONFERENCE Saturday & Sunday April 8/9 Grand Hall, The Spa Dance to 'BRAVE NEW WORLD' Saturday night 8 pm also see a star-studded show Cost approximately £4.50. For tickete apply to John Simmance, National Secretary, 186 a Clapham High Street, London, SW4 JUG Please send me details/tickets of the Scarborough Conference.

I enclose .

NAME

ADDRESS