workers press

The Socialist Labour League's press: The Newsletter, Workers Press, Labour Review and Fourth International, 1952–1973. A searchable archive of the scans

PLUNDER

By Cliff Slaughter

Workers Press no. 724, 27 March 1972 · scan pages 4, 5

Topics: Unemployment

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The campaign seeks to ensure capricious criticism does not inhibit Australia's economic progress'.

AMIC's intentions are clearcut; it wants to allow the unbridled plunder of Australia's mineral resources to continue without complaints about the devastation of the countryside or the displacement of aboriginal tribes.

Interestingly, the chairman of AMIC and leading sponsor of the campaign is Mr D. J. Hibberd. He is chief of Comalco, an RTZ subsidiary in Australia.

PAGE 4, Workers Press, Monday March 27, 1972 SLL Central Committee member existing trade union and Labour leadership could not bring down the Tories, even when the right wing of the Labour Party, led by Roy Jenkins, was making its bid for leadership. Their aim exposed this the more.

Many Communist Party as well as Labour Party members defied their leadership and helped the Right-to-Work marches.

Capitalist crisis forces these bureaucracies to the right, and at this point the intervention of the revolutionary party is decisive. From the crisis of reformism and Stalinism must come not disintegration and defeat, but the building of a new leadership, the ability to learn from setbacks as well as victories. This is what the marches have begun to do.

The crisis inside the existing is caused by the conflict between. organizations of the working class on the one hand, the needs the capitalist class, and on the other, the striving of the working class for political independence. The building of the revolutionary party, implemented in the Rightto-Work marches, proceeds only through this material contradicThe marchers insisted over and over again, as they met the labour movement in every area, that the only way to defend the right to work was to prepare politically to force the Tory government out of office. It was not question of asking for measures which would bring more jobs, or of improving the lot of the unemployed.

Time and again supporters of the marchers compared and contrasted them to the Hunger Marchers of the 1930s. They recognized first of all the youth In the course of this new revolutionary leadership being built.

This was the political essence of the Right-to-Work marches. Without the fight to bring down the Tory government and return Labour government, without the fight to transform the Socialist Labour League into a revolton or par the slogan would be reformist, and in this period meaningless. It would represent nothing MOre right to be exploited.

But today this demand flows together with growing tendency of workers answer closures and redundancies by factory occupations and sit-ins. The demand for workers' control and the challenge private property in the means of production are now the only answer to the basic need of the working class to keep their jobs.

Because the question of power is posed in this way the success the Right-to-Work marches must be seen as the first step in new and accelerated political process. As the Tories take advantage of the breathing-space offered them by the TU( after he miners' strike, in order prepare yet more savage attacks, the building of the alternative revolutionary leadership is now the No 1 question for all those who participated in, supported and understood the Right-toWork marches.

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